By Chandler Eastman Potter (1807 - 1868)
Manchester: C.E. Potter, 1856.
Selections
THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER. CHAPTER III.
The voyagers to the coast of New England, in the early part of the 17th century, found the same divided among several tribes of Indians, all speaking radically the same language, -- Algonkin. Capt. John Smith, of these early voyagers, gives the most minute account of these tribes. He says, "The principall habitations I saw at Northward, was Pennobscot, who are in Warres with the Terentines, their next Northerly neighbors. Southerly up the Rivers, and along the Coast, wee found Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Sagadahock, Satquin, Aumughcawgen, and Kenabeca: to those belong the Countries and people of Segotago, Pauhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Wabigganus, Nassaque, Mauherosqueck, Warigwick, Moshoquen, Waccogo, Pasharanack, &c. To those are alied in confederacy the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquak, Augawoam and Naemkeck, all those for any thing I could perceive, differ little in language or any thing, though most of them be Sagamos and Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot the chiefe and greatest amongst them. The next is Mattahunt, Totant, Massachuset, Paconekick, then Cape Cod, by which is Pawmet, the Iles Nawset and Capawuck, neere which are the shoules of Rocks and sands that stretch themselves into the maine Sea twenty leagues, and very dangerous, betwixt the degrees of 40 and 41." (1)
Most of these tribes, named by Smith, occupied the same relative positions for more than a century, after the country was permanently settled by the English.
West of Cape Cod were the powerful tribes of the Narragansets (2) and Pequots; while in the country, upon the rivers and lakes, were several powerful tribes; the Nipmucks, in the interior of Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, and occupying the valley of the Merrimack, in New Hampshire, and Massachusetts; and the Norridgewocks seated upon the branches of the Kennebec, and the Lakes in the northern interior of Maine. This last tribe was called Abnakis by the French, and was principally noted for their adherence to the French interests, and their inroads upon the French settlements, which their connection with the French, led them to undertake.
East of the Penobscot, were the Scootucks, or Passamaquoddies, inhabiting the Scootuck or St. Croix river and the shore of Passamaquoddy Bay; the Milicetes in the valley of the river St. John; and the Micmacs, occupying the rest of New Brunswick, and the peninsula of Nova Scotia.
The Micmacs were, and still are, a warlike people. Living mainly upon the sea shore, athletic, of powerful frame, and most expert canoe-men, they were fond of warlike expeditions, and often were a source of fear and anxiety to their western neighbors, under the dreaded name of Tarratines. They even extended their war expeditions against the tribes of Massachusetts, within the knowledge of the English, and in some of the earliest stipulations between the tribes of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, and their English neighbors, mention is made of their dread of the Tarratines.
When Capt. Smith coasted along the shore of New England, in 1614, making the island of Monheagan the centre of his operations, the Penobscot tribe was one of the most powerful in New England. They were under the control of a Bashaba or Chief, who held the tribes of Maine as far west as the Saco, as tributary, or subject to him. He was then at war with the Tarratines, and in 1615, that warlike people sent an expedition against him, with such secrecy and consequent success, as that they took him by surprise, and put him and his family to death.
Divisions arose as to the succession to the Bashaba, of which the Tarratines taking the advantage, soon overpowered the other tribes of Maine, and extended a war of extermination along the coast of Massachusetts. Hand in hand, as it were, with war, stalked pestilence, so that in 1620, the tribes upon the sea coast, from the St. Croix to Cape Cod, had become greatly depreciated in numbers; and some places had become almost entirely depopulated.
Speaking of this depopulation, Capt. Smith says, "they had three plagues in three years successively neere two hundred miles along the Sea coast, that in some places there, scarce remained five of a hundred" * * * * "but it is most certaine there was an exceeding great plague amongst them; for where I have seene two or three hundred, within three years after remained scarce thirty."
Whatever this disease may have been, it seems to have extended little farther south than Cape Cod, and to have been limited in violence, at least, among the tribes of the interior, so that the Pilgrims in 1620, and for many years subsequent, had but little to fear from the once powerful tribes upon the seashore north of Cape Cod; but on the contrary, had to use every precaution, and much vigilance against the power of the southern tribes, and those of the interior, which had been less afflicted by disease and war.
At this period, the most powerful tribes of the interior, and probably of New England, north of the Pequots, had their residence in the valley of the Merrimack, upon the productive falls, and fertile meadows of that beautiful river. These meadows, or "Intervales," as they are usually called, are basins made up of alluvial and vegetable deposits, and were, doubtless once covered with water, which has gradually passed away through the Merrimack, that continually deepening its channel, has burst the rocky barriers of these Bays, or Lakes, and left their former beds, dry and arable land. That these Intervales were submerged, and at a comparatively late period, hardly admits of a doubt, as the barriers of these ancient bays can be readily traced above Pawtucket, Amoskeag, Hookset, Garvin's and Sewall's falls; and upon most of these basins, or intervales, have been found far below their surface, logs, fresh-water shells, and other unmistakable evidences of submersion.
The Merrimack then, was a succession of Bays, from Lake Winnepesaukee to the ocean, a part of which now remain at Sanbornton and Meredith, and which add so much of beauty to the scenery of that neighborhood.
These intervales were of very great fertility, and of such ready productiveness, as to afford an abundant harvest to the scanty husbandry of the Indian. More than two centuries of culture, have hardly decreased their fertility.
Then the Merrimack afforded other superior advantages for Indian settlements. Rising in the White Mountains, at an altitude of six thousand feet above the level of the ocean, its waters find their way to the Atlantic, through the distance of two hundred and fifty miles; of course there are rapids and falls, through most of its entire length. These afforded the most ample fishing grounds to the natives, whereat to spear, and take with dip-net, and seine, the myriads of alewives, shad, and salmon, that, literally crowded the Merrimack, during certain seasons of the year. Then the woods upon its banks were filled with moose, deer, and bears, -- whilst the ponds and lakes, the sources of its tributaries, were teeming with water fowl.
In this beautiful " Valley of the Merrimack," with all these attractions of fertile planting grounds, an abundance of fish, and hunting grounds of unlimited extent, -- the first English adventurers found several tribes of Indians, occupying localities, chosen with Indian taste and with special reference to his comfort and his wants. From its mouth far above its affluents, the Winnepesaukee and Pemegewasset, the shores of this "Silver Stream," were dotted with Indian villages.
It was the very paradise of the Indian imagination. Is it a wonder that the wresting of such a home from "the lords of the soil," should have been accompanied with strife and bloodshed? That the Indian in his ignorance and wildness, when driven from the graves of his fathers, at the hands of strangers, should have left the marks of his vengeance behind him, traced with all the horrors of the scalping-knife and tomahawk? It is not strange; nor is it so singular, or so much a matter of reproach, as that a people, fresh from the lash of oppression, laying claim to much of humanity, and ever bearing upon their arm the shield of morality and religion, -- should have driven the simple hearted natives from their lands without even color of right, except what comes from that precept of barbarism, that, might makes right; without even color of title, when title was pretended, except what was purchased for a few blankets, a trucking coat, a few beads and baubles; -- or, perhaps still worse, -- for a runlet of "occupee," or "fire-water!"
These tribes upon the Merrimack were the Agawam, Wamesit, or Pawtucket, Nashua, Souhegan, Namaoskeag, Pennacook, and Winnepesaukee. The Agawam tribe occupied the eastern part of what is now Essex county in Massachusetts, extending from tide-water upon the Merrimack, round to Cape Ann. Their territory, skirted upon two sides by the Merrimack and Atlantic, indented by bays, intersected by rivers, and interspersed with ponds, was appropriately called Wonnesquamsauke, meaning literally, the Pleasant Water Place, the word being a compound from Wonne, (pleasant,) Asquam, (water,) and Auke, (a place.) This word was sometimes contracted to Wonnesquam, often to Squamsauke, and still oftener to Squam, or Asquam.
The deep guttural pronunciation of asquam by the Indians, sounded to the English like agawam and hence the word as applied to the Indians of that locality. Several localities in Essex county, are now known by names contracted and derived from this Indian wordWonnesquamsauke; as " Squam" the name of a pleasant harbor and village upon the north side of Cape Ann, and "Swamscot," the name of a pleasant village in the eastern part of Lynn.
The Wamesits lived at the forks of the Merrimack and Concord rivers, and upon both sides of the latter river.
Wamesit, is derived from Wame (all or whole) and Auke (a place) with the letter s thrown in betwixt the two syllables for the sake of the sound. The Indian village at this place, undoubtedly received this name from the fact that it was a large village, the place where all the Indians collected together. This was literally true in the spring and summer, as the Pawtucket falls, near by, were one of the most noted fishing places in New England, where the Indians from far and near, gathered together in April and May, to catch and dry their year's stock of shad and salmon. Wamesit was embraced nearly in the present limits of the city of Lowell, in Middlesex county, Massachusetts.
The Indians in this neighborhood were sometimes called Pawtuckets, from the falls in the Merrimack, of that name. Pawtucket, means the forks, being derived from the Indian word Pohchatuk (a branch.) Pawtucket seems, however, to have been applied by the English, rather to all the Indians north of the Merrimack, than to the particular tribe at the falls of that name.
The Nashuas occupied the lands upon the Nashua and the intervales upon the Merrimack, opposite and below the mouth of that river. Nashua means the river with a pebbly bottom -- a name said to have been peculiarly appropriate, before art had deprived it of this distinctive beauty.
The Souhegans lived upon the Souhegan river, occupying the rich intervales upon both banks of the Merrimack, above and below the mouth of the Souhegan. Souhegan is a contraction of Souheganash, an Indian noun in the plural number, meaning worn-out lands. These Indians were often called Natacooks or Nacooks, from their occupying ground that was free from trees, or cleared land -- Netecook meaning a clearing.
The Namaoskeags resided at the falls in the Merrimack, known at present by the name of Amoskeag, in Manchester. This word written variously, Namaske, Namaoskeag, Naumkeag, and Naimkeak, means the fishing place, from Namaos (a fish) and Auke (a place.)
The Pennacooks occupied the rich intervales at Pennacook, now embraced in the towns of Bow, Concord and Boscawen, in the county of Merrimack. They were thus called, from Pennaqui, (crooked) and Auke, (place,) the intervales at Concord, which are extensive, being embraced within the folds of the Merrimack, which winds its way along, in a very crooked manner. (3)
The Winnepesaukies occupied the lands in the vicinity of the Lake of that name, one of their noted fishing places being at the outlet of the Winnepesaukee, now known as the Weirs, the parts of permanent Indian weirs having remained at that place long after the advent of the whites. Winnepesaukee is derived from Winne (beautiful) nipe (water) kees (high) and Auke (a place,) meaning literally, the beautiful water of the high place.
Of these several tribes, the Pennacooks were the most powerful; and either from their superiority, arising from a long residence upon a fertile soil, and hence more civilized; or from having been for a long period under the rule of a wise Chief, -- and perhaps from both causes united, -- had become the head, as it were, of a powerful confederacy.
It is well known that the Winnepesaukee, Amoskeag, Souhegan, and Nashua tribes, were completely subservient to the Pennacooks; while the Wamesits were so intermarried with them, as to be mainly under their control, acknowledged fealty to Passaconaway, and finally, with the other tribes upon the Merrimack, became merged with the Pennacooks, and ceased to be distinct tribes, in fact or name.
The Agawams, were also intimately connected with the Pennacooks, and acknowledged fealty to them, and doubtless were one of the earliest tribes to become merged with them; but still they ceased to exist as a distinct tribe, at so early a date, that few particulars of their history have been preserved.
Besides the tribes in the valley of the Merrimack, the Pennacooks had control over the most of the tribes from the Concord river, in Massachusetts, to the sources of the Connecticut, and from the highlands betwixt the Merrimack and Connecticut, to the Kennebec in Maine. It is known that the Wachusetts, from Wadchu, (a mountain) and Auke, (a place,) near Wachusett mountain in Massachusetts; the Coosucks, from Cooash (pines,) upon the sources of the Connecticut river; the Pequaquaukes from Pequaquis (crooked) and Auke (a place) upon the sources of the Saco, in Carroll county, in New Hampshire, and Oxford county in Maine; the Ossipees from Cooash (pines) and Sipe (a river,) upon the Ossipee lake and river in Carroll county, in New Hampshire, and York County in Maine; the Squamscotts, from Winne, (beautiful) Asquam, (water) and Auke, (a place,) upon Exeter river, in Exeter and Stratham, in Rockingham county; the Winnecowetts, from Winne (beautiful,) Cooash, (pines,) and Auke (a place) in the Hamptons in the same county; the Piscataquaukes, from Pos, (great,) Attuck, (a deer,) and Auke, (a place,) upon the Piscataqua river, the boundary betwixt New Hampshire and Maine; the Newichewannocks, from Nee (my,) Week (a contraction of weekwam, a house) and Owannock, (come,) -- upon one of the upper branches of the same river; the Sacos, from Sawa (burnt,) Coo, (pine,) and Auke, (a place,) upon the Saco river, in York county, Maine; and the Amariscoggins, from Namaos, (fish,) kees, (high,) and Auke, (a place) upon the Amariscoggin river, having its source in New Hampshire and emptying its waters into the Kennebec, -- all acknowledged the power and control of the Pennacooks, and were members of the confederacy of which that powerful tribe was the head, and Passaconnaway, the leading Sagamon or Bashaba.
These Indians from the interior, were known and called among the tribes upon the sea shore, by the general name of Nipmucks -- or Fresh Water Indians. Nipmuck, is derived from Nipe, (still water) and Auke (a place,) with the letter m thrown in for the sake of the euphony. And true to their name, the Nipmucks usually had their residences upon places of still water, the ponds, lakes and rivers of the interior.
But the Indians in the Merrimack valley, although properly Nipmucks, and living in distinct bands or tribes, were usually called by the English, Pennacooks, from the fact that the tribe at Pennacook was the most powerful one in the valley, and under the rule of Passaconnaway, had become, as has already been seen, the head of a powerful confederacy. This position of that tribe, brought its people in contact with the English on all occasions of moment, such as conferences and negotiations, and hence the English, meeting on such occasions Pennacooks almost exclusively, applied the name of Pennacook to the tribes generally inhabiting the upper Merrimack valley. And in course of time, as the Indians became reduced in numbers by emigration, war, and contact with civilization, the smaller tribes became united with the larger ones, till in 1685, the Pennacooks were the only tribe in, and had exclusive possession of, the Merrimack valley.
The Merrimack naturally, was but a series of falls, rapids, and ripples, from the Souhegan to the lower Pennacook falls, (now Garvin's.) These afforded the most ample opportunity for fishing, and the name of Namaoskeag, was doubtless applied to that section of the river and the adjacent country around; but in course of time, as fish became more limited, the name of Namaoskeag, became to be applied to the immediate neighborhood of the principal falls, now known as Amoskeag.
The fish at these falls were most abundant, and the facilities for taking them, superior to those of any other place upon the Merrimack.
The river below the main fall, in the course of a few miles, is entered by a number of rivers and rivulets, having their sources in lakes at no great distance; and of course, at certain seasons, it was filled with alewives, waiting an opportunity to pass up those small streams; thus both in the Merrimack, and in those streams, affording ready opportunity to take them in any quantity.
Then at the same season, the great basin or Eddy, at the foot of Merrill's falls, and at the mouth of the Piscataquog river, was literally filled with eels, shad, and salmon, waiting a passage up the falls, occupied by their earlier or more expert companions; over and among which, the Indian in his canoe, could pass, and spear or net, at will.
Again, at the foot of the main fall, and upon the western bank of the river, here dividing, and passing among, and around certain small islands, was, and is at the present time, a basin or eddy, emptied by a small passage, easily rendered impassable for fish, by a weir, and ever filled with fish, in the season of them, from the falls above, the force of the water rushing over the main pitch of the falls, naturally and inevitably driving into this pool, those fish, that in the rush, did not succeed in passing up the falls. Here they were as secure as in an eel pot, and the Indians could take them at their convenience.
Then, at the main falls, and at the islands below, the river passes amid rocks in narrow channels, and upon these rocks and channels, the Indian could stand through day and night, if he chose, and throw spear and dip-net, without missing a fish, or fishes, at each "throw." And last, the various fish did not usually arrive at these falls, until after the twentieth of May, when the planting season was over, thus affording the Indians plenty of time to take and cure them, without interruption, from their agricultural pursuits, however scanty. Whereas at Pawtucket, and the rapids in that neighborhood, the fish arrived usually about the first of May and continued through the busiest time of corn-planting.
These peculiar advantages, pertaining to the fishery at this place, made it par excellence, the fishing-place, hence as before suggested, the Indian name of Namaoskeag.
These were no ordinary advantages to the Indian, depending as he did for subsistance upon fish, flesh, fowl, and such vegetables as his limited agriculture might produce. Hence we can readily suppose, that where fish were so abundant, and so readily to be taken, that there the Indians would flock together in vast numbers, to supply their future wants; and that the place would be one of great importance. Such was the fact, and Namaoskeag, for a long time, was not only the great point of attraction to all provident Indians, but was the royal residence of the ancient Sagamons of the Merrimack valley.
At Namaoskeag, upon the bluff immediately east of the falls, was the main village or town occupied by the Indians, as is plainly shown by the abundance of arrow and spear heads, and the debris of stones from which they were manufactured, together with pieces of pottery, and other unmistakable evidences of an ancient Indian town, still to be seen and found; while down the river to the Souhegan, there were smaller settlements, wherever were good fishing or planting grounds. In Bedford, opposite Carthagena Island, on land of Hon. Thomas Chandler, and opposite the mouth of Cohos river, such settlements existed, the vestiges of which still exist at the former place, and did at the latter, till the hand of improvement swept them away.
But, as before suggested, the main Indian village was at the Falls, called by Mr Eliot, "A great fishing place Namaske upon Merimak," and "which," he says, " belongeth to Papassaconnaway." (4) Here, prior to 1650, Passaconnaway had a principal residence, and was so anxious to have the Rev. Mr. Eliot come here and establish his community of Christian or "Praying Indians," as his proselytes were called, that he offered to furnish him with any amount of land that he might want for that purpose. The old Sagamon held out such inducements, and the place was of so much importance, that Eliot at one time had serious thoughts of establishing himself here; but the distance was so great to transport supplies, and the natives in Massachusetts were so averse to going farther north, that he thought "the Lord by the Eye of Providence seemed not to look thither," (5) and he located himself at Natick. (6)
There is no doubt that Mr Eliot
afterwards found opportunity to visit this place, and to preach
and establish a school here, as Gookin in his account of the
"Christian Indians," names Naamkeke as one of the "places where
they (the Indians) met to worship God and keep the Sabbath; in
which places there was at each place a teacher and schools for
the youth at most of them." (7) And as no other man established
schools or preaching among the Indians of the interior, save Mr.
Eliot, it follows conclusively that he both preached and taught
at Namaoskeag. So that our ancient town, not only has the honor
of having been the scene of the philanthropic efforts and labors
of "the Apostle Eliot," but also that of having the first
"preaching and school" established within its limits, that was
established in the State, north-west of Exeter, however remiss
its white inhabitants may have been in these particulars.
CHAPTER IV.
In the preceding chapter, Pawtucket and Namaoskeag have been spoken of as famous fishing places upon the Merrimack; but there was another noted fishing place within the territory of the Pennacooks, where shad alone were caught, and which was almost equally celebrated with those at Namaoskeag and Pawtucket. It was located at the outlet of Lake Winnepesaukee, and was known by the name of Ahquedaukenash, meaning literally stopping places or dams, from Ahque (to stop) and Auke (a place.) This word had for its plural Ahquedaukenash, and again by corruption, Aquedoctan, a name which was extended by the whites to the whole Winnepesaukee river. It is a curious fact in the history of the fisheries upon the Merrimack, that while alewives, shad, and salmon passed up the lower part of Merrimack in company, yet the most of the alewives went up the small rivulets before coming to the forks of the Merrimack at Franklin, while the salmon and shad parted company at the forks, the former going up the Pemegewasset, (8) and the latter passing up the Winnepesaukee. This peculiarity was owing to the natures of those fish. The alewives were a small fish, and sought small lakes or ponds to deposit their "spawn," that were easy of access, warm, and free from large fish, that would destroy them and their progeny. The shad was a much larger fish, and sought large lakes for spawning, where the water was warm and abundant; while the salmon, delighting in cold, swift water, sought alone those waters fed by springs, or formed by rivulets from the ravines and gorges of the mountain sides, which meandering through dense forests, rippling over pebbly bottoms, or rushing over rocks or precipices, formed those ripples, rapids, whirlpools and falls, in which the salmon delights, and those dark, deep, cool basins, or eddies, in which to deposit its spawn. Hence the fact that alewives were seldom found above the forks of the Merrimack, and that the salmon held exclusive possession of the cold, rapid, dark Pemegewasset, while the shad appropriated the warm, clear waters of the Winnepesaukee, neither trespassing upon the domain of the other.
The Ahquedaukenash then of the Indians, and the Aquedahcan and Aquedoctan of the English, were one and the same name, applied to the fishing place, of the Indians, at the outlet of Lake Winnepesaukee, now known as "The Weirs." This was called Ahquedaukee, or the Weirs, from the fact that the dams or weirs at this place were permanent ones. The Winnepesaukee is not a variable river, and at the outlet of the lake the water for some distance passed over a hard pebbly bottom, and did not average more than two feet in depth. This was an excellent place for ahquedaukenash or dams, and could not fail of being duly improved by the Indians. Accordingly as before suggested, they had here permanent weirs. Not being able to drive stakes or posts into the hard pebbly bottom of the river, they placed large rocks at convenient distances from each other, in a zig-zag line across the river. Against these they interwove their brushwood weirs, or strung their hempen nets, according to their ability. Such weirs were used in the spring and fall, both when the fish went up and down the river. Such ahquedaukenash were frequent upon this and other rivers, and the rocks thus placed in the river by the Indians, remained in their position long after the settlement of the English in that neighborhood, and were used by them for a like purpose; hence the name of weirs as continued at the present time.
In the fishing season, the whole Pennacook nation were at their home at Namaoskeag, and welcomed strangers from abroad with feasting and revelry. The first thing to be done was to make an "ahquedaukee" or weir. This was usually done after this wise: a line of stout sapling stakes was extended across the river, some ten or twelve feet apart, at a point where the bottom was soft, so that the stakes could be driven into the sand or mud. These stakes were inclined down stream, and were interwoven with birch tops and other brush wood, or nets were strung from stake to stake, so as to present an effectual barrier to the fish. On one side of the river, one or more stakes in distance were left clear of brush or nets, so that the fish might have a free passage up.
There can be little doubt of the fact, that at the outlet of the basin, at the foot of the main falls of Namaoskeag, and upon the west side of the Merrimack, a place now known as the eddy, as before suggested, that the Indians had a permanent weir, made by placing boulders of stone at convenient distances across the outlet of the basin, in like manner as at their ahquedaukenash at the outlet of the Winnepesaukee. The position was equally eligible, and had this superior advantage, that when constructed, both salmon and shad were secured in the basin above.
A run or school of fish would pass up till they met the swift water from the falls, when they would retreat in myriads down the stream, till they came in contact with the weir -- here they would turn again to meet the rushing school from above. Thus in a little time the capacious basin above the weir would be filled, and black with fish, -- the strong and athletic salmon throwing himself out of the water in his affright and rage. This was the favorable time for the Indian fishers. The watch would give the signal, and the birch canoes would speed their way to the scene, an Indian in the stern of each plying his light paddle, and another in each bow with a spear or dip-net, according to his ability or ingenuity. When fish were so penned up as it were, it required but little skill to catch them, and a thrust with the spear, or a dip of the net, was seldom unsuccessful. When the canoes were filled, or the fishers became tired of their labor or sport, the fish were taken to the shore and delivered over to the squaws, who stood ready with their knives, and dressing the fish, split them and laid them in the sun to dry, or hung them upon the centre-pole of their wigwams to smoke. Each night was passed in dancing and feasting, a kind of Thanksgiving for the success of the day. At these fishing seasons, lover's vows were plighted, marriages were consummated, speeches made, and treaties formed. There can be little doubt that it was a fishing season at Namaoskeag, when in 1660 Passaconnaway made his dying speech, spoken of by Hubbard, and that here too both Passaconnaway, and Wannalancet his son, heard the apostle Eliot preach to their people, and set the example to their followers of publicly recommending the Christian religion.
Another method of taking fish, practised extensively by the Indians, was by spearing them in the night time, by torch light. This kind of fishing was practised in the spring and fall, when the water is too cold for "schooling," and the fish are solitary in their habits, and lay near the shore. The spearman stood in the bow of the boat with his spear, while the torch-bearer stood near him to show the fish. A third man propelled the boat gently along, and stopped the boat when a fish was in sight, at a signal from the spearman, to give him an opportunity to strike the fish. To be successful in this kind of fishery required great dexterity, as the canoe would careen with the slightest touch, and their spear was constructed of a single pike of stone, properly adjusted to a pole. Yet with this rude instrument they were successful fishermen, both by day and night. In short, the Indians were most expert in all kinds of fishing -- except with the hook -- and with that even, made of bone, they were successful. Their fish hook was made of two pieces of bone -- one piece for the shank, and another for the hook or barb -- fastened to the end of the shank. The shank was usually made from the leg or wing bone of some bird. The lower end was scarfed off to a point on one side, and another piece of bone of the same size, and an inch, or inch-and-a-half in length, was scarfed at one end to fit the scarf of the shank. The pieces were then fastened together with sinews, and the upper end of the short piece being sharpened, the hook was completed. The line was made of Indian hemp, or of the inner bark of the elm, chestnut and other trees.
It is most probable that the Indians took fish with the bone hook after the peculiar manner that may be called hooking, for we can hardly conceive of their taking them in the usual manner with so clumsy an instrument. Hooking fish was often practiced in the winter upon the Winnepesaukee, in former years, if not now, and was doubtless a mode of fishing borrowed from the Indians.
The mode was thus: The fisherman first cut a hole in the ice, usually near the entrance of some brook into the lake, and at a place where the water was of convenient depth. Near the hole he placed a plank, or for want of this, hemlock or pine boughs. Upon the plank, or boughs the fisherman stretched himself at his length, looking upon the bottom of the lake through the hole in the ice, having in his right hand a slender, straight stick, of such length as somewhat more than reached the bottom, and to the extremity of which was fastened a stout hook. Thus equipped, and the instrument resting upon the bottom, the fisherman would wait the approach of a fish. If the prey swam boldly up to the stick, with a quick jerk of the stick, it was hooked, and drawn upon the ice. But if the fish was more wary, and stopped in his course, then the fisherman [fishermen] gently moved the rod along, till the hook was under the fish, when with the same quick motion, it was hooked and drawn upon the ice.
In this manner, when fish were plenty and less shy than at present, the bone hook of the Indians was a formidable, and successful instrument for winter fishing.
It is said that the Indians took great numbers of salmon with the bow and arrow, shooting them as they passed up rapids and falls, but we are led to doubt the general success of this method, as a salmon, when wounded or killed, invariably sinks to the bottom, and the spear and canoe would have been required to secure each fish, after he had been struck with the arrow.
Large fish, such as the sturgeon, (called by them Kauposh) the horse mackerel and the like, they took with the spear. Two Indians would get into a canoe, and while the man at the stern would paddle the canoe swiftly, but gently up to the prey, the spearman, standing in the bow of the canoe, would strike the spear into the fish, and with such force and precision as to be able to secure him, either by hauling him into the canoe, or by towing him to the shore. The dexterity attained by the Indians in this kind of fishing, upon the sea shore, is said to have been of great advantage to our whalemen, and it is even said that the superiority of American whalemen is in a measure owing to the knowledge and skill obtained from the Indians. It is a curious fact that this superiority is confined to the neighborhood of New Bedford and Nantucket, where spear fishing was pursued extensively and most adroitly by the Indians, and that the Herring Pond and Marshpee or Massapee (much pond) Indians are among the most expert whalemen of the present day, and are largely employed by those pursuing the whale fishery at Nantucket and New Bedford. Whether the Indians ever caught the whale or no, we are unable to learn. It is probable, however, that they did, as Roger Williams says he had seen whales sixty feet long, and that the Indians cut them up and sent pieces far and near, for an acceptable present or dish. He says however these were often cast up, and it is not to be inferred that they were taken by the natives. Still as he speaks of their taking large fish with an "harping iron," and speaks of the whale in connection with taking other fish, it is fair to presume that they attacked the "Leviathan of the deep," when he made his appearance upon the coast. That they took large fish, such as the sturgeon, porpoise and albicore, with a great deal of skill, and with an instrument somewhat like, and answering all the purposes of the modern harpoon, is evident and susceptible of proof. Roger Williams says, speaking of the sturgeon, (Kauposh) "Divers parts of the country abound with this fish, yet the natives, from the goodness and greatness of it, much prize it, and will neither furnish the English with so many, nor so cheap, that any great trade is likely to be made out of it, UNTIL THE ENGLISH THEMSELVES ARE FIT TO FOLLOW THE FISHING". Thus whatever the method was of taking this fish and other large ones, it seems the English did not then know how to practice it.
But Jocelyn, who was here in 1638, more than two hundred years ago, describes the method of taking these large fish. He says, "The Bass and Blue-fish they (the Indians) take in Harbors and at the mouth of barred rivers, being in their canoes, striking them with their fishgig, a kind of dart or staff, to the lower end whereof they fasten a sharp, jagged bone (since they make them of Iron) with a string fastened to it, as soon as the fish is struck, they pull away the staff, leaving the bony head in the fishes body and fasten the other end to the canoe. Thus they will hale after them to shore half a dozen or half a score great fishes: this way they take sturgeon." (9) This is almost precisely the method of taking the whale. The form of the harpoon was the same, save that the rope was fastened to the head of it, instead of the handle, and the head was made to be separated from the handle, and to be left in the fish. Whereas, now the iron head and handle of the harpoon are inseparable. Thus it would seem that the use of the harpoon in taking large fish, as well as the manner of thus taking them, was unknown to the English that first came to New England, and that they acquired a knowledge of its use from the natives.
Upon the sea-coast, the Indians caught large quantities of fish with their hemp nets in the following manner. They stretched these nets across small creeks and rivulets by means of stakes driven into the mud, after the manner of their weirs. The fish would run up the creeks at flood tide, over and around the nets, but when the tide ebbed, they would naturally betake themselves to the channel of the creek, and thus would be left above the nets, often on dry ground, or in such shoal water as to be easily secured by the Indians. Net fishing is pursued in a like manner, at the present time, on the seacoast of Maine, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, both by the Indians and the Whites.
As with other Indians, agriculture, hunting, and fishing, and the making of the implements necessary to prosecute these avocations successfully, seem to have been the appropriate duties of the men, among the Pennacooks, before the advent of the Europeans; but after their arrival, the Indian men imposed the duties of the planting ground and garden upon their women, together with the drudgery of the wigwam; while war, hunting and fishing were considered the appropriate labor of the men.
The labor of tilling the soil, thus imposed upon the women, and the toils of hunting and fishing being rendered light and easy by the introduction of guns, traps, hooks, and the like, by the Europeans, agriculture became of very little consequence to the Indians, and they spent their time in idleness -- soon had little or no attachment to the soil; became migratory, choosing to lounge about the skirts of civilization, and to adopt most of the vices, and very few of the virtues of their white neighbors. Thus this change of habit in the Pennacooks, as in other Indians, from tillers of the soil to warriors and hunters, -- mere idlers, was the bane of their tribe. The agriculture of the Pennacooks was confined to the raising of corn, beans, melons, squashes, pumpkins, and gourds, and to the digging of groundnuts and the gathering of acorns, walnuts, and chesnuts.
Rude and simple implements were alone necessary, -- the axe and the hoe. Intervales, or meadows -- probably the bottoms of ponds or lakes -- their waters having subsided through outlets formed in their disintegrated barriers, were usually chosen by the Indians, as their planting grounds. Such choice furnished them with fertile soils, and saved them the labor of felling trees, as these Intervales were usually bare of trees of large growth, or such were so scattered, as to give little obstruction to the growth of their corn and other vegetables; and by the process of girdling, could be removed by decay in a few years. Such were their planting grounds upon our rivers. Upon the sea-coast, they were under the necessity of clearing their lands and destroyed trees by girdling and burning. The trees were so thick, and so interwoven with vines and underbrush, that a fire set in the proper season, was almost sure to clear the ground sufficiently for Indian cultivation. If some monarch oak remained unscathed, the shell-knife of the squaw inflicted upon it the deadly girdle, and deprived of its sap, it decayed with equal certainty.
The soil was dug up with the axe and hoe. The axe or hatchet, called the tomhegun or tomahawk, was made at first of wood, and afterwards of granite or slate, and had a groove cut around it near the head -- instead of an eye, and which held the handle.
The handle was a mere withe, or sapling, so pliant as to be bent around the axe, in this groove, and was then fastened or tied with the roots of the spruce, or with the sinews of animals. They sometimes formed their hatchet handles by a more slow, but surer process. They selected a small, straight hickory, oak, or other tough sapling of the proper size, and splitting it as it stood, thrust the stone axe through the cleft till the parts closed around the axe, in the groove made for that purpose. They there left it till such time as the sapling, in its growth, enclosed the axe firmly within its wood. The sapling was then cut at the proper length, and fashioned into shape according to the taste and skill of the owner. With this axe, the Indians felled their trees, cut their wood, chipped and formed stones into other axes, dug up bushes and roots, and formed the "hills" for the reception of their seed-corn and other vegetables. It was their main instrument in agriculture, as well as other business, and was in use all through the tribes of Northern North America. The Micmac of Nova Scotia, used it in constructing his canoe, and fashioning his pipe; the Iroquois of New York, in building his fort, and forming his sledge; and the Ojibway in hammering his native copper on the Ontonagon river, or in cleaving his pipe-stone from the quarry of St. Peters.
Their hoe was made of granite sometimes, and in the shape like the carpenter's adz, with the groove instead of an eye for the handle, which was fastened in like manner, with the handle of the axe. Their hoes were generally made of clam shells, however, fastened to stiff handles.
Their only dressing was fish. After their planting grounds became exhausted, and the location was desirable, they dressed them with fish -- putting an alewife or shad to each hill of corn or other vegetable. These fish were found in abundance in planting time, in every brook or rivulet that is tributary to the Merrimack. So plentiful were they, that the women, the wives of the first settlers, shoveled them out of the brooks with fire slices and "shod-shovels," while their husbands were in the fields preparing for their reception as manure -- a kind of husbandry they had adopted from the Indians.
The Pennacooks commenced their preparation for planting, "When the oak leaf became as large as a mouse's ear." This was their rule as given to the first settlers.
They planted in rows, much the same as we do at present. The crows, which they called "Kaukont," from the sound of its caw or screech, devoured the young corn, and to prevent the depredations of this and other birds, small lodges were built in the fields, in which the elder children watched, and the men themselves oftentimes. They did not kill these crows, as they held them as sacred, as their greatest benefactors. They had a belief, that a crow brought their first kernel of corn and a bean into the country from the southwest -- a present from their Great Manit, "Kautantonwit's" field, in the south west. From this kernel of corn, and this bean, they supposed they derived all their corn and beans.
Hence, they thought the crow entitled to a share, and did not offer a bounty for his head, even though he might at times take more than was fairly his share.
Their corn was of various sorts and colors, and was cured in various ways. Much of it was used when green, either boiled or roasted for immediate use; and still another portion was gathered when in the milk, and dried in the sun upon mats for fall and winter use. The corn thus prepared, was called sweet corn, and when boiled or soaked and roasted, had much the same taste as green corn thus prepared. The ripe corn was gathered into heaps, and dried thoroughly and put by for parching, and grinding. They generally parched their corn before grinding, or pounding rather, as they usually pounded their corn with stone pestles, in wooden mortars. Their pestles were usually of granite; but often of other stone. They were often elaborately finished, and sometimes upon the top of them there was an attempt at rude sculpture. Dr. Belknap speaks of one, upon which was sculptured the head of a Serpent.
Their mortars were often formed of stone, but were more usually formed out of the transverse section of a log, and often times were made in the top of a stump. Their parched corn meal they preserved in leathern bags, ate it with their meat, taking a little of it between their fingers, and placing it in their mouths. It was called Nokehick. Mixed with water and boiled into "hasty pudding," or mush, it was called "Nasamp." Hence our English word, "Samp," which is applied to a "hasty pudding," or mush made of new corn ground very coarsely. Green corn and beans mixed and boiled together were called "Succotash." Hence our English name of Succotash, applied to a variety of corn, excellent when green, for boiling. Oftentimes, the Indians would put a portion of their ripe corn into mats and bury it in the sand. The beans, they thought, originated with their corn, with their Great Manit in the south west. They were of various colors, and no doubt were varieties of the Mexican bean. They were mostly picked green for immediate use or drying, so as to preserve the taste of the green bean when cooked. A part were permitted to ripen, and as with us, were cooked different ways. The variety mostly used by them was the one known as the "Kidney bean."
They had gourds of various kinds. The common gourd they cultivated for dippers and musical instruments, use and pleasure.
Other specimens of the gourd were cultivated for their edible properties, and were designated by the general name of Askutasquash. The English preserved only the last syllable of the word as spoken by the Indians, and have continued it to this day -- squash being applied to particular species of the Gourd or Pompion, which has become one of the vegetable luxuries of the modern table. How many persons are aware of the fact, when partaking of this luxurious and nutritious vegetable, that the name, and some of the best varieties of the squash, are of Indian origin?
They cultivated the Water Melon and the Pompion or Pumpkin. The water melon was used in fevers. The squash and pumpkin were cooked by boiling or steaming, and often eaten raw.
Hunting, with the Pennacooks and other
ancient Indians, before the arrival of the Europeans, was a
labor, as may well be supposed.
The bow, tomahawk, spear and knife,
were the only weapons of offence or defence; and these were of
the rudest kind.
The bow of the Pennacooks was usually made of Walnut, White Ash, or White Oak. The arrow was pointed with stone; sometimes of fine granite, but oftener of quartz and slate. The spear head and knife were of the same materials.
The bow was in constant use by the Indians from childhood, and they became wonderful proficients in its use. When bending the bow, the string was drawn with three fingers, while the fore finger and thumb held the arrow. In this manner, a strong man could bend a very stiff bow, and one too that would throw an arrow with very great velocity.
Under favorable circumstances, an athletic Indian would send an arrow entirely through a bear or moose, so that the arrow would go at some distance, after having passed through the animal, and fall to the ground with its spent force.
It is said by Major Long, that under favorable positions, the Indians of the West, will send an arrow through the body of a bison or buffaloe.
The Pennacooks, unlike the Indians of the present day, had no horses for the chase. They approached their game by stealth, and to get within bow-shot, required much skill and practice, and was a severe labor, and often unsuccessful at last. Hence, other contrivances were resorted to. A common one, and upon an extensive scale, was the driving yard. A well known resort for moose and deer was selected and enclosed on two sides of a triangle, forming a figure like the letter V. At the apex of the angle, a space was left open for the game to pass through, and near this open space, the marksmen were placed to shoot what game might pass. The less experienced of the Indians were sent out to beat the woods, and to drive the game within the enclosure, Once within this, the drivers closed up, and the game attempting to escape through the open space, were shot down by the marksmen. In this way, they were often successful in taking moose and deer. They often set snares of ropes at the open space of the drive, which being attached to the tops of saplings bent down for the purpose, would lift the game high in the air, in like manner as boys at the present time, with the same kind of snare, upon a small scale, take and suspend hares and partridges.
The English, before becoming acquainted with this kind of trap, were sometimes taken with them and suspended in mid air, much to their own astonishment, and to the amusement of their companions. Thus, in November, 1620, soon after the arrival of the "Mayflower," as Stephen Hopkins, William Bradford, and others were walking in the woods, they came to a tree where a young sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. As Bradford went about it, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught up by the legs, and hung dangling in the air!
They often selected a point or cape for these drives. The point of land extending from Auburn into the Massabesic, (Massa-nipe-sauke much pond place,) over which the "Derry Turnpike" passed in Auburn, was thus used for a "drive." The deer were driven upon the point, and then shot upon the shore; or, if they took to the water, they were pursued in canoes and taken. This point of land is now called "Deer Neck," from this circumstance. Another Indian "drive" was at "Fox Point," Newington, a point extending into the Piscataqua. It is used for a fox drive, at the present day. The hunters assemble upon the Greenland road, forming an unbroken line of drivers at short distances from each other [othor], from Portsmouth Plains to Greenland. They then close up towards "Fox Point," shouting, blowing horns, and making such a general din, as shall start up all the foxes in the pine woods, far and near. As they approach the extremity of the point, they send forward their marksmen to shoot the game. The fox will not take to the water, and becomes an easy prey.
In like manner, the Indians took deer at this very place in olden times, and the present practice of hunting the fox for boisterous amusement, is one borrowed from the natives, in their necessity.
The bear and smaller game were often taken in the wooden trap, called by the Indians, "Kulheag." The kulheag was large or small according to the size of the game intended to be trapped.
A tree or sapling was first placed upon the ground in a place frequented by the game. Near the large end of the tree or sapling, two stakes of the proper size and length were driven into the earth, one on either side, to keep it in its place. Directly over this another tree or sapling was placed, with the top or small end resting upon the bottom log or tree, and its large end suspended to a proper height betwixt the stakes, by the usual contrivance of the "figure 4," or by a small cord connected with a spindle. Upon the spindle such "bait" was placed, as was supposed to be the most palatable to the animal sought; -- and if the slightest nibble was made at the "bait," the curious intruder was secured by the fall of the suspended tree or sapling. The kulheag was a simple, but formidable and successful trap. With it, the Indians caught the Bear, Beaver, Lynx, and Sable; or, as the Pennacooks would say, the Moshq, Tumunk, Psoughk and Whoppernocker.
A necessary part of an Indian hunter's outfit, was his rackets or snow shoes, and the canoe. The racket consisted of a hoop of oval form, two feet in length, by a foot and a quarter in breadth; interlaced with sinews, or thongs of leather, and so strong as to bear the weight of a man. Near the front part of the racket was placed a strong strap of proper length, and fastened at each end transversely or across the lacing. Into this strap or thong, or rather under it, the foot was thrust and fastened, leaving the racket disengaged from the heel. This arrangement relieved the traveler; as the racket at every step, dragged its heel upon the snow, instead of rising with the foot, and thus was rid of the loose snow upon the top of it. -- With the racket, the Indians could walk over deep snows with great speed, and could thus overtake the fleet deer, and powerful moose, encumbered and tired by that obstacle, which human ingenuity had overcome, on the part of the pursuer.
The canoe of the Pennacook was made of birch bark, stayed with hoops and splints of the spruce. A suitable tree was selected and felled. The bark was then slit with a knife, lengthwise of the tree, and peeled off in one piece. A sapling of some tough wood, usually ash, maple, or walnut, was split into two parts, made smooth, and of the requisite form. These were tied together at both ends, and then spread apart to the proper width and shape, and fastened in their position by stout cross pieces of proper length, and securely fastened with sinews, or the roots of the spruce, or the root of a small shrub called by the Indians "Wickapee." These pieces of sapling thus stayed and secured, constituted the gunwale of the canoe. It was taken and placed within the birch bark, and the edges of the back sewed or fastened to the gunwale with roots. Splints of maple, ash, pine, or cedar, five or six feet in length, two or three inches wide, and an eighth or half of an inch in thickness were then placed lengthwise of the inside of the bark, and were secured to their places by strong hoops placed transverse of them, and fastened to the gunwale of the canoe. These hoops gave form to the boat as well as confined the splints, which were for the protection of the bark. Pitch was applied to the cracks and seams of the bark, and also to the splints, to keep them more firmly in their places. These canoes upon our river, were from twelve to twenty feet in length, and would carry from two to six hunters with their baggage. The canoes for lake or sea-coast service, were much longer and wider; and capable of carrying from six to twenty men each. They were propelled by small paddles, and those riding were invariably seated upon the bottom of the canoe. A river canoe is easily carried by two Indians across portages; and when carried, is placed bottom upwards upon the head and shoulders, a cross piece resting upon the back of each Indian. They are a treacherous affair to those not initiated, but to the Indians, they afford the best means of conveyance upon the water, and without his bark canoe he would be miserable.
They will stand a stiff breeze and a rough sea, and in Passamaquoddy Bay, and the entrance of the Bay of Fundy, when the Steamer "Maid of Erin," was laboring against a strong tide, and a stiff breeze "dead a head," the Micmacs were "scudding" athwart our bows in their birch canoes, trimmed with "leg o' mutton sails," and with the most perfect impunity!
Of these canoes, John Jocelyn, June 28, 1639, being a passenger on board the Fellowship, then lying in Boston Harbor, thus speaks: --
"In the afternoon, I returned to our ship; being no sooner aboard but we had the sight of an Indian Pinnace, sailing by us, made of birch bark, sewed together with the roots of spruce and white cedar (drawn out into threads) with a deck, and trimmed with sails, top and top-gallant, very sumptuously." (10)
The Indian women had to build the wigwams, gather the wood, till the ground, carry the luggage, and perform all the culinary duties of the wigwam. The wigwam was constructed by planting some eight or ten saplings in the ground in a circular form, the tops being bent over and fastened together.
This rude frame was covered with bark, excepting a space in the top for the smoke to pass out. There was also an opening left in the side of the wigwam, towards the north, and another towards the south, to answer the purpose of a doorway. Deer skins, or those of some other animals were hung at these apertures to answer the purpose of doors; and were pushed aside when they wished to enter or pass out. In the centre of the wigwam a pole was planted reaching to the top of the same. Into this pole, at the proper height, a large pin was driven, upon which to hang the kettle of clay, copper, or iron.
Against the bottom of the pole, and directly under this pin, was placed a large flat stone, against which the fire was made, and which protected the pole from injury by burning. Upon this pole, they hung their fish to dry, and there, too, they hung the scalps of their enemies whom they had slain.
Mats were placed round upon the ground, and upon these, they sat, took their meals, and slept. Their cooking was very simple. Meat, they roasted upon split sticks or forks of wood, and if they were too poor to own an earthen or copper kettle, they boiled their nasamp or hominy, and their vegetables in a wooden trough by throwing hot rocks into the water. They used dishes of birch bark, and drank from clam and gourd shells, or from cups made of birch bark. They sometimes baked their meat in a hole in the ground; the hole being partially filled with rocks and heated. The meat was then wrapped in leaves and bark, and then covered with other hot stones, and last, the whole was covered up with loam. If a slack bake was anticipated, fire was built upon the top of this simple oven, and continued until the meat was thoroughly cooked.
They ate their food from their fingers, without the aid of the fork. The men were first served, and usually finished their meals before the squaws partook. Great deference was always paid to the men by the women, particularly when in the wigwam. For a woman to step over the bow, arrow, hatchet, or pipe of a man, when they were lying on the ground even, was a great indecorum, and to be severely reprimanded. From these facts, it will be seen that the household duties were not very arduous. Sweeping, dusting, and the washing of dishes, were not of every day occurrence. Still there were great labor and heavy burdens imposed upon the Indian women. They had to raise the corn and all the other vegetables cultivated by the Indians. For this purpose, they must prepare the ground, plant and hoe the corn, beans, pumpkins, squashes and melons. This they did thoroughly, it would seem, as Roger Williams says, "they plant it, dress it, gather it, beat it, and take as much pains with it as any people in the world;" and again, "the men assist in breaking up the fields; they also burn down the trees, and burn or cut the saplings for the wigwam poles." "When they brake up a field," says Williams, "they had a very loving, sociable, speedy way to despatch it;" somewhat like our huskings, and apple bees. "All the neighbors, men and women, forty, fifty, a hundred, &c., join and come to help freely." Thus they broke up their fields and built their forts.
The women of a family would often raise thirty or forty bushels of ears of corn and secure it properly.
It was the duty of the women to grind or pound the corn. This was done with the pestle and mortar. It was a laborious work. The pestle was of stone, and weighed from five to ten pounds. It was made with some sort of a head to it, to which to fasten a cord, and the other end of the cord was fastened to the top of a sapling, or pole, which would bend readily, and which would thus lift the pestle at every spring, and ease the labor of the squaw.
Their wigwams were usually twelve or fourteen feet in diameter, and were often fitted up with comfort, particularly for the winter season. They were often lined with mats of rushes, and bark, and these were most curiously wrought in colors. The women were very skilful and ingenious in embroidering their mats, moccasins, and baskets, and in such work, they were diligently occupied, when nothing more pressing required their labor.
The wigwam for the summer was a frail and temporary affair, as it was removed from the winter encampment, to the fishing place, and from thence to the planting ground, then from one field to the other, and then again, oftentimes, from one spot in the field to another, to get rid of the fleas, which were numerous in hot weather, and which insect they called Poppek, from its celerity of movement.
The squaws not only displayed great ingenuity in their embroidery of mats, &c., but also in working in feathers. Their feather mantles were most beautiful; and the coronets they wrought for the Sagamons were of splendid appearance. There was one of these ornaments presented to President Wheelock, of Dartmouth College, and which was worn by a Sagamon, that would have graced the head of Wellington. It was coved with scarlet feathers, probably from the Scarlet Tanager, and in form not unlike a German cap, making an unique appearance.
The Indian women of the higher class, were very affectionate to their husbands, to their children, and to each other. There was seldom any difficulty among them, even when two or more wives dwelt in one wigwam. Among the Indians of substance, the wife employed some one to assist in taking care of the children. Often an old man would come into the wigwam, and divert the children with his stories, for which service he was always requited with nasamp, succotash, or some savory morsel. The Indian men and women were noted for their hospitality. A stranger happening in their village was entertained by the Chief. If he went into a wigwam, he was not asked if he had dined or supped, but the squaws placed food before him without the asking and he was invited to partake and was expected to do so. They felt injured if their food was refused by declining to partake of it.
Next after the food, the pipe was offered, and to refuse this was to insult them. If you ate only a single mouthful, or smoked a single whiff, they were satisfied.
The Indian children were kept lashed to the cradle till they could sit alone, and often afterwards. When necessary to convey them away, they were always carried upon the cradle. The cradle consisted of a piece of board two feet and a half in length by one foot in width. A row of holes was made the whole length of the board, upon each side, and one or two inches from the edges. Across the foot of the board, a piece of wood was fastened some three inches wide, as a support for the feet of the child. A thin pad of deer skin was fastened sometimes across the head of the board as a support for the child's head; but they were often without this appendage. To the head of the board was attached a strap of moose leather, by which to suspend the cradle from the pole of the wigwam, or upon the mother's back, the strap passing about her forehead. To this board the Indian babe was tied with thongs, lying upon its back. In this position the babe was carried from place to place upon its mother's back, or suspended from the branch of a tree, when she was in the field, or from the pole of the wigwam when she was about her domestic work.
To divert the child, playthings were often suspended over its head and within its reach, from a hoop at the top of the board, for that purpose, while the mother was ever ready to chant a "lullaby," in no unpleasant strains. By this treatment, the limbs of the Indian children were of perfect symmetry, and their bodies assumed an erect position, traits so remarkably developed in the adult Indians.
Polygamy was practiced among the Pennacooks, and a man and wife could separate without ceremony. Yet separation took place but seldom. An elopement sometimes took place, but was punished in a most summary manner.
The Pennacooks stood pre-eminent among the Indians as warriors. War with them -- war of conquest, was a settled and fixed purpose. And they followed out this purpose, till, under the counsels of the renowned Passaconnaway, they had subjected to their power, or secured their alliance, by conquest, negotiation, or marriage, the Wachusetts, Saugusaukes, Agawams, Wamesits, Pawtuckets, Nashuas, Namaoskeags, Coosaukes, Winnepesaukies, Pequauquaukes, Newichewannocks, Piscataquaukes, Sqamscotts, Winnecowetts, Sacos, and Amariscoggins.
The Pennacooks, within the scope of our New England history, sent into the battle field, noted and skilful warriors. The bravery, skill, and address of Passaconnaway, is proved by the extent of the confederacy of which he was the acknowledged head, while the attack upon Salmon Falls, and "Cocheco," with the fierce battle at Pequauquauke, show the skill and courage of Kancamagus, Mesandowit and Wahowah, -- Pennacook Chiefs of a later day.
Their weapons of offence were the bow and arrow, the tomahawk, and scalping knife. The bow was displaced with the Pennacooks, by the light French shot-gun; and in their use, they became as expert as the French and English hunters themselves.
Their tomahawk, originally, was but a billet of wood -- consisting of a handle about two feet and a half long, with a knob upon the end of it, very much like the war-clubs of the Indians of the Pacific Islands of the present day.
Hatchets of stone were likewise used; and after the advent of the European those of iron and steel, took their places.
These at first were made with no great skill -- having a "bit" of steel, with an "eye" for the handle, somewhat like that of the hoe now in use. They afterwards became to be elaborately finished, and oftentimes of the most exquisite workmanship, the blade of polished steel, and the head fashioned into a pipe, and the handle used as a stem -- doing a great deal of credit to the skill of their English and French manufacturers, if not to their humanity.
The scalping knife was originally of stone, but this, in like manner, gave place to the finished cutlery of the French and English. War was determined upon by the Chiefs in Council, and once determined upon, the principal Chief announced the conclusion of the Council to the young warriors, and asked their assistance. The beating up recruits, or enlisting, was practiced in various ways; but always with much ceremony. One method was by a dance, which may be called "'The Fire Brand Dance." Brushwood, pitch knots, clubs, and sticks were gathered in an immense pile near the wigwam of the Sagamon. The Sagamon and his principal Chiefs formed a ring around this pile of brush, setting cross legged upon the ground.
Next to these, the warriors formed a second ring; and back of these, the old men, women and children were mixed without order or rank. The pile being fired, in due time, the principal Chief stepped into the ring and dancing around, flourished his tomahawk and knife, naming his exploits, and the people with whom he was at enmity. At the mention of every enemy, he would strike the fire with his hatchet, seize a brand, flourish it about in numberless vibrations with his hands, and contorting his body into every conceivable shape, he would bury his hatchet deep in the ground and leave the ring. Others would follow, and in the same manner dance about the fire, and fight it; closing with burying their hatchets in the ground till the whole of the warriors inclined to follow the war path, had joined in the dance. Every man who joined in the dance, was considered as enlisted for the war.
Another "War Dance" was performed in like manner around a sapling in the grove, or one standing near the wigwam of the Sagamon. After relating their adventures, as they danced about the ring, each warrior closed his dance by striking his tomahawk into the sapling; and every one who struck the sapling, was universally claimed as a volunteer upon the war path.
The Chief then appointed his rendezvous, and the warriors repaired to their wigwams to make their slight preparations for their departure.
The "Fire Brand Dance," was usually performed in the night after a feast for the occasion, while the "Sapling Dance," was performed in the day time.
At the appointed time, each warrior was at the place of rendezvous. To be tardy, was a blot upon a warrior's character. His bow and quiver of arrows, tomahawk, scalping-knife, pipe, tobacco, paint, and a pouch of parched corn meal completed his outfit for the longest war path. Their faces were besmeared with red and black paints, without reference to any other effect than that of producing terror. Upon the breast was usually painted the totem of the tribe, that is, the particular animal or bird held in veneration by the tribe, and in connection with this, the individual totem of the Sagamon or Chief. The totem or family arms of the Pennacooks, and Passaconaway their Chief, was a Bear. The quiver was worn upon the back, and suspended by a belt passing over the right shoulder. The knife was hung upon the girdle, worn invariably about the loins by all the Indians; and to this also was attached the tobacco, meal, and medicine pouches. A mantle or coat of fur was drawn about the shoulders and loins, and flowing or fastened by the girdle which fastened the covering of the legs, reached to the knees, and was ornamented with the pendent tail of the animal, of whose skin it was made. As a substitute for fur, the mantle was often made of feathers of the turkey and wild duck, which sewed upon skin or cloth, made a fine appearance. Oftentimes, the mantle was made of the neck skins of aquatic birds, with the bills attached to them, and pendent in rows about the mantle. Mantles of the skins of the necks of grey geese, with the bills hanging in this manner, are spoken of by Jocelyn, as being very striking, and beautiful.
The feet were covered with moccasins, and to complete the out-fit of the Indian war costume, a feather of the hawk or eagle, was fastened very curiously in the scalp lock. The Pennacook and other New England Chiefs, wore a kind of cap or coronet upon State occasions, but upon the war path, the feather in the scalp lock was the usual ornament of the head.
When about making war upon a weaker tribe or one their equal, a herald was sometimes sent to make known the fact. A snake skin with a bundle of arrows, or a snake skin filled with powder and balls, were the usual symbols of war-like intentions upon such occasions. The recipients then had their choice, of peace or war. If they were inclined to negotiation or peace, the pipe was usually returned by the messenger. But if determined for war, an answer of defiance was returned, and the tribe prepared for attack or defence.
But their attacks were more often made in secret. They would hover around the village or residence of their enemy, waiting for a fitting opportunity for ambush or open attack, and when the favorable time arrived, would rush upon the foe, shouting the war whoop and filling the air with their savage yells. The 'war whoop' was a yell made loud and long; and consisted of two notes, the last much higher than the former; and both were uttered distinctly, but rapidly, and with the full force of the lungs. It was given only when rushing to the attack. It was a yell of terror, and followed with the savage attack was one that struck dismay and horror into the stoutest hearts.
When an attack was made, the killing the foe was not the only object to be attained by the warrior. He must show proof of his prowess. Hence the custom of scalping. When an Indian saw an enemy fall by his arrow or bullet, if opportunity offered, he immediately rushed up, finished him with his tomahawk, if not already dead, and took his scalp. If the battle raged, and there was no opportunity to approach without risk of being hit or taken, he waited till the end of the conflict. Scalping was performed in this manner:
The Indian placed his foot upon the neck of his prostrate enemy, twisted the fingers of his left hand into his scalp lock, with the knife in his right, dexterously made a circular gash around the lock, and tearing the scalp from the head with the left hand, fastened it to his girdle with a yell of triumph, which gave notice to his comrades of his success.
The scalps of their enemies, were treasured trophies, displayed upon the pole of the wigwam, and attached to the person of the warrior on state occasions. When the village of St. Francis was destroyed by Major Rogers and his party in 1759, six hundred scalps, it is said, were found attached to the poles of the wigwams of the Indians inhabiting that village. (11)
Returning from an expedition unsuccessful, the warriors came into their village without ceremony; and if any of their numbers had been killed, the squaws filled the air with their wails and howlings.
But if successful in their expedition, great ceremony attended their return to their village. Arriving within a short distance of their village, a herald was sent forward to announce the approach of the party. If captives and scalps had been taken, great was the rejoicing, and peculiar the parade. The Pennacooks, and probably other New England Indians performed the ceremony of making their captives run the "Gantlet," as it was called. This ceremony consisted in compelling their prisoners as they entered their village, to pass through two continuous lines of Indians, composed of all at home, who were able to wield a club or raise their feet, and these struck and kicked the prisoners as they passed through the lines. A striking example of this ceremony is given as performed upon two of our New Hampshire men, John Stark of Derryfield, (now Manchester,) and Amos Eastman of Pennacook, (now Concord,) who were taken prisoners in 1752, and carried to St. Francis. If one of the warriors fell in the attack, the mother or wife, had the choice of the death of a captive or the adoption of one to take the place of the deceased. Among the Pennacooks, adoption of the captive was usually chosen. The "Scalp Dance" was sometimes performed on the return of a war party. This differed little from the other Indian dances, save that each Indian hung to his girdle, the scalp locks he had taken in his other wars if he had taken any, while the fresh scalps were held by the hair between his teeth. The Indians thus garnished with these horrid trophies, took a stooping posture, so that the scalps, suspended from their teeth might not touch their bodies, and in such positions, commenced the most hideous cries, and furious stamping, jumping and dancing about like mad men; ever and anon, taking the scalps from their teeth, to recite the incidents connected with the killing of the enemy, and then replacing them, to continue the frantic dance, with redoubled fury. These dances were truly horrible, and led Nathaniel Segar, who witnessed one in 1781 on the sources of the Amariscoggin, as performed by Tom Hegon and his party, to this quaint and laconic description. "Such scenes are beyond description. Their actions are inconceivable. It would seem that bedlam had broken loose, and that h--ll was in an uproar!"
On great occasions, and in their
villages, the dancers often kept time to the music of a drum,
and the chanting of singers, the drum consisting of the section
of a hollow log, on one end of which was stretched the prepared
skin of an animal. This was struck with a single stick, and in
connection with the singers, made no very bad music. The running
the gantlet, as before stated, was the usual ceremony,
when the war party returned with captives; and the 'Scalp Dance'
was performed when scalps were obtained by the returning war
party.
CHAPTER V.
The Sagamons of most note among the Pennacooks [Pennnacooks], were Passaconnaway, Wonnalancet his son, and Kancamagus, usually called John Hogkins, his grandson. These Chiefs were successively at the head of the Pennacooks [Pennacoks], and each in his way, was a man of mark in his time. Passaconnaway was one of the most noted Indian Chiefs in New England.
His name is indicative of his war-like character -- Papisseconewa, as written by himself, meaning "The Child of the Bear," being derived from Papoeis (a child), and Kunnaway (a bear.) This name he doubtless received at mature age, according to the custom of the Indians, from his supposed resemblance in courage and bravery in war, to that ferocious and powerful animal.
We first hear of him in 1627 or 8, unless indeed, the Sagamon whom Christopher Levett saw in the neighborhood of the Piscataqua in 1623, and whose name he writes Conway, may have been Passaconnaway. (12) And it is very probable that such was the fact, for that Passaconnaway often had his residence in that neighborhood is evident from the fact, that when in 1642, the government of Massachusetts, wished to seize him, they sent a company of armed men for that purpose, with a warrant to Ipswich, Rowley, and Newbury, plainly showing that Passaconnaway, at that time, had a temporary residence at least, in the neighborhood of the mouth of the Merrimack. (13) And that he should have been at "Piscataquack" in 1623 to visit the strangers of Thompson's plantation, just settling upon his territory, is equally probable. Thomas Morton, "mine host of Maremount," as he writes himself in his [is] "New English Canaan," thus speaks of him, being in this country at that time. "Papasiquineo, the Sachem or Sagamore of the territories neare Merrimack River, a man of the best note and estimation in all those parts (and as my countryman, Mr. Wood, declares in his prospect), a great nigromancer" * * * * * * "That Sachem or Sagamore is a Powah of greate estimation amongst all kinde of Salvages, then hee is at their Revels, (which is the time when a greate company of Salvages meete from severall partes of the Countre, in amity with their neighbours), hath advanced his honour in his feats or jugling tricks, (as I may right terme them), to the admiration of the spectators, whome hee endeavoured to persuade that hee would goe under water to the further side of a river to broade for any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee performed by swimming over and deluding the company with casting a mist before their eies that see him enter in and come out; but no part of the way hee has bin seene: likewise by our English in the heat of all summer, to make Ice appeare in a bowle of faire water, first having the water set before him hee hath begunne his incantation according to their usual accustom, and before the same hath been ended a thicke cloude has darkened the aire and on a sudane a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed the natives, in an instant hee hath shoued a firme peace of Ice to floate in the midst of the bowle in the presence of the vulgar people, which doubtless was done by the agility of Satan his consort." (14)
From which marvelous story we are to infer that Passaconnaway, to the character of a brave warrior, added that of a clever juggler. In fact, he held his people in great awe of him, the Indians supposing him to have supernatural powers; to have control over their destinies; that he could make a dry leaf turn green; water burn and then turn to ice; and could take the rattlesnake in his hand with impunity.
With such reputed powers, his acknowledged ability as a warrior, and wisdom as a Sagamon, Passaconnaway was the acknowledged head of the most powerful Indian confederacy east of the Mohawks, and as such received the title of Bashaba, a title much of the same import as that of Emperor.
On the 17th day of May 1629, Passaconnaway with three subordinate Chiefs, sold the tract of land extending from the Piscataqua to the Merrimack, and from the line of Massachusetts thirty miles into the country, to the Rev. John Wheelwright and his associates, for certain stipulated and valuable considerations. This deed was signed by Passaconnaway the Sagamon of Pennacook, Runnawit the chief of Pawtuckett, Wahangnonawit the chief of Squamscot, and Rowls the chief of Newichewannock, and was witnessed by two Indians and some of the most respectable men of the Plantations at Piscataqua and Saco.
This transaction was one of importance. It shows that Passaconnaway, as early as 1629, was not only the chief of the Pennacooks, but that he was a Sagamon at the head of a powerful confederacy, and that thus early he had the sagacity to see the superiority of the English, and to wish them as a barrier betwixt his people and their eastern enemies.
The deed expressly acknowledges on the
part of the chiefs of the Pawtucket, Squamscot and
Newichewannock, their being tributary to the Sagamon of
Pennacook; the 7th and last article stipulating that "every
township within the aforesaid limits or tract of land that
hereafter shall be settled, shall pay to Passaconnaway our
chief sagamore that now is and to his successors forever,
if lawfully demanded, one coat of trucking cloth a year. This
deed was signed and witnessed as follows:
(15)
In the planting season, Passaconnaway had a residence at Pennacook Island in the Merrimack at Pennacook, (now Sewall's in Concord) and another upon one of the Islands in the same river about a mile north of the mouth of the Souhegan, in Merrimack; while his principal residence was at Namaoskeag. Here, without a doubt, he sat in royal state, held his council fires, determined upon his war paths, gave his royal feasts, and performed those feats, that held his wondering followers as with the spell of enchantment.
Passaconnaway early saw the superiority of the English, and with his usual sagacity, he saw the entire hopelessness of the attempts of his people to subdue them. His policy was to make terms of peace with them, and it was in pursuance of this policy that he disposed of his lands to Wheelwright, reserving alone his right to fishing and hunting. It was that he might have the English as a protection against his enemies, who, since the plague had thinned his people, were becoming a source of terror to them.
The Tarratines of the east and the Mohawks of the west, were making continual inroads upon the New England Indians, and the Pennacooks, like the Mohegans, were quite willing to secure the friendship and protection of the colonists.
In 1642, upon suspicion that a conspiracy was forming among the Indians to crush the English, men were sent out to arrest some of the principal Indian Chiefs. Forty men were sent out at this time to arrest Passaconnaway, but he escaped them by reason of a storm. Wannalancet, his son, was not so fortunate. He was taken by the party, while his squaw escaped into the woods. But while they barbarously and most insultingly led Wannalancet with a rope, he loosened the rope and attempted to escape, his captors firing at him, and coming near hitting him with their shot. He did not effect his escape, but was retaken. (16)
For this outrage, the government of Massachusetts feared the just resentment of Passaconnaway, and they sent Cutshamekin, whom they had arrested upon the same occasion and had discharged, to excuse the matter to the old Chief, and invite him to go to Boston and hold a conference with them. The answer of the old Sagamon savors a good deal of an independent spirit, and had he been younger by a half century, his answer might have been still more proud and haughty. "Tell the English," was his reply, "when they restore my son and his squaw, then will I talk with them." The answer was that of a man who felt he had been most deeply wronged. His haughty spirit must have chafed under such wrongs, and it is possible under the sting such outrages could not fail to inflict, he might have regretted the policy he had marked out for himself.
It is probable that this outrage upon the family of Passaconnaway made a deep impression upon his mind, and led him to doubt the sincerity of the professions of the English toward him. And in 1647 he exhibited this distrust in a most summary manner. At this time, the Rev. Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket for the purpose of preaching to the natives. It was the fishing season, and a vast multitude of Indians were present. Among them was Passaconnaway with two of his sons. The Old Chief, doubtless smarting under his wrongs, and thinking that a religion that tolerated such wrongs, was not worthy his attention, refused to see Mr. Eliot and retired immediately from the neighborhood, taking with him his son, saying, 'he was afraid the English would kill him.' (17)
In 1648, however, Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket with better success, for it being the fishing season, he found Passaconnaway there and in a mood to hear his preaching. Mr. Eliot preached to the assembled Indians from Malachi, I: xi. This verse he paraphrased thus -- "From the rising of the sun to the going down of the same, Thy name shall be great among the Indians; and in every place prayers shall be made to Thy name, pure prayers, for thy name shall be great among the Indians." (18)
The Indians paid the most respectful attention, and after the discourse was closed, proposed many appropriate and amusing questions. After others had proposed questions and made remarks, Passaconnaway arose, we need not add, amid the most profound attention, and announced his belief in the God of the English. He remarked, says Mr. Eliot in a letter of date Nov. 12, 1648, "That indeed he had never heard of God before as now he doth. And he said further, that he did believe what I taught them to be true. And for his own part he was purposed in his heart from thenceforth to pray unto God, and that hee would persuade all his sonnes to doe the same, pointing to two of them who were there present, and naming such as were absent." (19)
The Old Sagamon was doubtless sincere in his change of religion, and continued in the christian belief till his death. 'A good while after,' says Eliot, he said to Capt. Willard, "that he would be glad if I would come and live in some place thereabouts, to teach them * * * * * *. And that if any good ground or place that hee had would be acceptable to me, he would willingly let me have it."(20) In this same letter, Mr. Eliot intimates his intention of visiting Amoskeag the following spring, as thus: "There is another great fishing place about three score miles from us, whether I intend (God willing) to go next spring, which belongeth to the beforenamed Papassaconnaway -- which journey, though it be like to be both difficult and chargable for horse and men, in fitting provisions, yet I have sundry reasons which bow and draw my heart therto."
Mr. Eliot, in a letter bearing date Oct. 29, 1649, thus speaks: "I had and still have a great desire to go to a great fishing place, Namaske, upon the Merrimack river, and because the Indian's way lieth beyond the great river, which we cannot pass with our horses, nor can we well go to it on this side of the river unless we go by Nashaway, which is about and a bad way unbeaten, the Indians not using the way; I therefore hired a hardy man of Nashaway to beat out a way, and to mark trees so that he may pilot me thither in the spring. And he hired Indians with him and did it, and in the way he passed through a great people called Sowahagen Indians, some of which had heard me at Pawtucket and Nashua, and had carried home such tidings that they were generally stirred with a desire that I would come and teach them; and when they saw a man come to cut out the way for me, they were very glad; and when he told that I intended to come that way next spring, they seemed to him to be full of joy, and made him very welcome.
"But in the spring when I should have gone, I was not well, it being a very sickly time, so that I saw the Lord prevented me of that journey. Yet when I went to Pawtucket, another fishing place, where from all parts they met together, thither came divers of these Sowahagen Indians and heard me teach." (21)
And in this same letter Mr. Eliot goes on to say that Passaconnaway, the "Great Sachem" of all the tribes that dwelt in the valley of the Merrimack, "did exceeding earnestly and importunately invite me to come and live at his place and teach them. He used many arguments * * * *; this was one that my coming but once a year did them but little good because they soon forgot what I had taught."
He enforced his meaning thus: "You do as if one should come and throw a fine thing among us, and we should catch at it earnestly, because it appeared so beautiful, but cannot look at it to see what is within; there may be in it something or nothing, a stock, a stone, or precious treasure; but if it be opened and we see what is valuable therein, then we think much of it. So you tell us of religion, and we like it very well at first sight, but we know not what is within; it may be excellent, or it may be nothing -- we cannot tell; but if you will stay with us, and open it to us, and show us all within, we shall believe it to be as good as you say it is."
This comparison seems more like one from civilized life, than from a Savage Chief just embracing christianity, and is one of those unmistakeable marks in the life of Passaconnaway that show him a man of eloquence and wisdom.
We hear nothing more of Passaconnaway or his people, till 1660. At that time, being of very great age, he was seen by an Englishman at Pawtucket, who was much conversant with the Indians upon the Merrimack. It is possible that this Englishman was Gen. Gookin.
There was a vast assemblage of the Indians at Pawtucket, and borne down with age and cares, the old Sagamon, at a public feast, made his farewell speech to his people. On such occasions, the old Sagamons relate the prominent incidents of their lives in songs and speeches, and give their advice to their people. It is highly probable that the fact had been announced to the confederate tribes, that Passaconnaway was about to make his farewell address to his people. The anticipated event called together an unusual assembly of Indians. The chiefs were gathered from all the confederate tribes, eager to hear the last words of their 'Great Sagamon' who, by his wisdom, his natural powers of eloquence, and his supposed knowledge of the mysteries of nature, possessed an unbounded influence over the Indians. The occasion filled all with sorrow, in spite of Indian stoicism. Passaconnaway was deeply affected, and his voice tremulous with age and emotion, still was musical and powerful -- a splendid remnant of that whose power and beauty, in the fulness and vigor of manhood, had soothed or excited the passions of assembled savages, and moulded them to suit the purposes of the speaker.
"Hearken," said he, "to the words of your father. I am an old oak that has withstood the storms of more than an hundred winters. Leaves and branches have been stripped from me by the winds and frosts -- my eyes are dim -- my limbs totter -- I must soon fall! But when young and sturdy, when my bow -- no young man of the Pennacooks could bend it -- when my arrows would pierce a deer at an hundred yards -- and I could bury my hatchet in a sapling to the eye -- no wigwam had so many furs -- no pole so many scalp locks as Passaconnaway's! Then I delighted in war. The whoop of the Pennacooks was heard upon the Mohawk -- and no voice so loud as Passaconnaway's. The scalps upon the pole of my wigwam told the story of Mohawk suffering.
The English came, they seized out lands; I sat me down at Pennacook. They followed upon my footsteps; I made war upon them, but they fought with fire and thunder; my young men were swept down before me, when no one was near them. I tried sorcery against them, but they still increased and prevailed over me and mine, and I gave place to them and retired to my beautiful island of Natticook. I that can make the dry leaf turn green and live again -- I that can take the rattlesnake in my palm as I would a worm, without harm -- I who have had communion with the Great Spirit dreaming and awake -- I am powerless before the Pale Faces.
["]The oak will soon break before the whirlwind -- it shivers and shakes even now; soon its trunk will be prostrate -- the ant and the worm will sport upon it! Then think, my children, of what I say; I commune with the Great Spirit. He whispers me now -- 'Tell your people, Peace, Peace, is the only hope of your race. I have given fire and thunder to the pale faces for weapons -- I have made them plentier than the leaves of the forest, and still shall they increase! These meadows they shall turn with the plow -- these forests shall fall by the axe -- the pale faces shall live upon your hunting grounds, and make their villages upon your fishing places!' The Great Spirit says this, and it must be so! We are few and powerless before them! We must bend before the storm! The wind blows hard! The old oak trembles! Its branches are gone! Its sap is frozen! It bends! It falls! Peace, Peace, with the white men -- is the command of the Great Spirit -- and the wish -- the last wish -- of Passaconnaway."
It has been supposed that Passaconnaway died about this time, and our historians give no account of him after the time of the delivery of 'his dying speech to his children.' But this supposition is erroneous. Passaconnaway was alive in 1663, and at the head of his tribe, so that his speech of 1660 can hardly be considered his 'dying speech,' without some stretch of the imagination.
Passaconnaway finding his planting and fishing grounds encroached upon by those having grants from the government of Massachusetts; already deprived of his planting grounds at Natticook where he had planted for a long while; and the legislature having announced their intention to grant his lands at Pennacook whenever "so many should be present to settle a plantation there" -- began to think he soon should not have land enough to erect a wigwam upon. Accordingly, May 9th, 1662, Passaconnaway presented the following petition to the legislature:
"To the honerd John Endecot Esqr together with the rest of the honerd General Court now Assembled in Boston the petition of papisseconnewa in the behalf of himself as also of many other Indians who now for a longe time o'r selves o'r progenators seated upon a tract of land called Naticot and is now in the possession of Mr. William Brenton of Rode Iland marchant; and is confirmed to the said Mr. Brenton to him his heirs and assigns according to the Laws of this Jurisdiction, by reason of which tracte of land beinge taken up as a foresaid, and thereby yr pore petitionr with many oth (ers is) in an onsetled condition and must be forced in a short time to remove to some other place.
The Humble request of yr petitionr is that this honerd Courte wolde pleas to grante vnto vs a parcell of land for or comfortable cituation; to be stated for or Injoyment; as also for the comfort of oths after vs; as also that this honerd Court wold pleas to take in to yr serious and grave consideration the condition and also the requeste of yr pore Supliant and to a poynte two or three persons as a Committee to Ar (range wi) th sum one or two Indians to vew and determine of some place and to Lay out the same, not further to trouble this honerd Assembly, humbly cravinge an expected answer this present sesion I shall remain yr humble Servante
"Wherein yu Shall commande
"Boston: 8 : 3 mo 1662.
- "PAPISSECONEWA." (22) The order of the court upon this petition is as follows, viz. "In answer to the petition of Papisseconneway, this Court judgeth it meete to grant to the saide Papisseconneway and his men or associates about Naticot, above Mr. Brenton's lands, where it is free, a mile and a half on either side Merrimack River in breadth, three miles on either side in length, provided he nor they do not alienate any part of this grant without leave and licese from this Court, first obtained." John Parker and Jonathan Danforth were appointed surveyors to lay out this township for Passaconnaway and his associates. The return of their doings is as follows, viz:
"According to order of Honrd General Court, there is laid out unto the Indians Passaconneway and his associats the inhabitances of Naticott, three miles square, or so much (eather) as containes it in the figure of a romboides upon Merrimack River; beginning at the head of Mr. Brenton's Lands at Naticott, on the east side of the River, and then it joineth to his line, which line runs halfe a point North West of the east, it lyeth one mile and halfe wide on side of ye river and somewhat better, and runnes three miles up the River, the Northern line on the east side of the river, is bounded by a brook (called by the Indians) Suskayquetuck, right against the falls in the River called Pokechuous, the end line on both sides of the River, are parallells; the side line on the east side of the River runes halfe a point eastward of the No: No: east and the side line on the west side of the river runes Northeast and by North all which is sufficiently bounded and marked with I, also ther is two small islands in the River, part of which the lower end line crosses. One of them Papisseconneway had lived upon and planted a long time, a small patch of intervaile Land on the West side of the River anent and a little below ye Islands by estimation about forty acres, which joineth their land to Souhegan River, which the Indians have planted (much of it) a long time, and considering there is very little good land in that which is now laid out unto them, the Indians do earnestly request this Honerd Court, to grant these two small Islands and ye patch of intervale as it is bounded by the Hills.
This
land was laid out 27, 3d mo 1663
By
John Parker and Jonathan
Danforth Surveyrs
this worke was done by us at our own charge wholly, at the request of the Indians, wh was important and as we were informed by the order of this Honord Court respecting ourselves. Hence we humbly request this Honerd Generall Court (if our services are acceptable) that they would take order we may be considered Sd the same, so shall we remain yr
Humble Servants as before"
"The deputies approve of said return and do order the Indians pay the Surveyors what is justly due for the Laying out of the same the Honerable Magistrates consenting thereto.
WILLIAM TORREY, Clerk." (23)
This grant included parts of Manchester, Londonderry, Litchfield, Merrimack, and Bedford. Suskayquetuck the northern bound of the grant upon the east side of the Merrimack, is known as "Great Cohos Brook." This river was a noted place for fish, as well as the "Pokechoous falls" opposite its mouth, and the various falls in the Merrimack betwixt them and the "two small islands in the River," "on one of" which "Papisseconneway had lived and planted for a long time."' We almost wonder at the great liberality of the "Great and General Court" of Massachusetts, in granting to Passaconnaway of his own territory so good a fishing place, and at the suggestion of the Surveyors, that the "two small islands" and the "small patch of intervaile Land" be added to the grant. But then the extent, and value of the fisheries at this place were not known, or this great liberality had not been shown. For, seventy-five years after, the Government of Massachusetts, drove the 'Scotch Irish' of Londonderry from this same fishing ground, to which they had no better title, than when they restricted Passaconnaway to the same ground. And a poor "heathen Salvage" would have fared no better than a 'Scotch Irishman.'
The record of this grant discloses an important fact. In less than twenty years from the time that Passaconnaway submitted himself to the colonists, and put himself under their protection, he and his tribe were literally reduced to beggary. The Bashaba of the Merrimack valley, and the rightful owner of all its broad lands, had become a pore petitioner" and "pore supliant" for a plantation of pine plains, and did "earnestly request the Honered Court to grant two small islands and ye patch of Intervaile" to him -- receiving them doubtless with all due submission and thankfulness, if not humility! Old age, as well as contact with civilization, must have done its work upon the spirit of this haughty Sagamon, for him thus to have meekly asked his usurpers to grant him what was properly his own. For his sale to Wheelwright did not embrace "these two small islands or ye patch of Intervaile," and Massachusetts never pretended even a purchase from the Indians of the Merrimack valley, till after the date of this transaction. Passaconnaway had four sons, if no more, and probably two daughters, if no more. His oldest son, Nanamocomuck was Sagamon of Wachusett near Wachusett mountain. Mr. Eliot saw him at Pawtucket in 1648. He at that time promised to become a praying Indian. He was inimical to the English and removed to the Amariscoggin country in Maine. He was father of the afterwards noted Chief, Kancamagus or John Hogkins. The second son of Passaconnaway, and his successor, was Wonnalancet, of whom we shall speak hereafter. We think Unanunquoset and Nonatomenut were the names of two other sons of Passaconnaway, as their names are attached to the petition referred to above. The first signature to the petition is that of Nobhow, the Sagamon of Pawtucket. The signatures are as follows:
NOBHOW
in behalf of my wife and children.
UNANUNQUOSET.
WONALANCET.
NONATOMENUT.
This petition asked the legislature to grant five hundred acres of land to Mr. John Webb in exchange for the island of Wickasauke -- which they had sold to Webb to raise money wherewith to redeem their brother and countryman from bondage -- they wishing the island back again. Now as Nobhow signs this petition in behalf of his wife and children, it clearly shows that his wife was part owner of the island before its sale. And as the Indian women were not acknowledged as owners of land unless they were of the royal family, the wife of Nobhow must have been the daughter of some Sagamon. Now as she owned the island of Wickasauke in common with Wonnalancet, it is highly probable that she was the sister of Wonnalancet, and the daughter of Passaconnaway. If this be so, it is also probable that the other signers were children of Passaconnaway. Another daughter of Passaconnaway, married Montawampate, the Sagamon of Saugus, prior to 1628, and was separated from him in consequence of a difficulty betwixt him and her father.
Passaconnaway died prior to 1669, full of years and honors, and was spared the pain of witnessing the overthrow of his tribe. The year of his death is not known. He was alive in 1663, and as Wonnalancet was at the head of the tribe in 1669 and built the fort at Pawtucket at that time, it is evident that Passaconnaway was then dead. He was a wise, brave and politic Sagamon. He gained his great power and control over the Indians of New England, by his wisdom and bravery -- but more by his great cunning. He was an accomplished juggler, and being a man of superior intelligence, he turned his juggling skill to the best account for his own personal aggrandizement, and that of his tribe. A juggler was supposed by the Indians to have intercourse not only with the Devil, the Bad Spirit; but with Manit the Great Spirit -- hence a skilful juggler had most unbounded influence. And when the character of a skilful juggler was united with that of Powah or Priest and Physician, in one and the same man, as it was in Passaconnaway -- we can most readily account for his great power and influence. In reflecting upon the character of the Merrimack Sagamon, the conviction forces itself upon one, that at the head of a powerful confederacy of Indian tribes, honored and feared by his subjects, and capable of moulding their fierce passions to his will, the history of New England would have told another story, than the triumph of our Pilgrim Fathers, had Passaconnaway taken a different view of his own destiny and that of his tribe -- and exerted his well known and acknowledged power against the enemies of his race; but providence seems to have tempered the fierce savages for the reception and triumph of the Anglo Saxon race in the New World.
Wonnalancet was the second and third child of Passaconnaway, being born about 1619 and of course younger than his sister who married in 1628. His name is indicative of his character, meaning literally, breathing pleasantly, derived from Wonne or Wunne, (pleasant) and Nangshonat, to breathe. This name, after the Indian custom, he received after he had arrived at the age of manhood, and had shown to the tribe such qualities as deserved it; and he ever proved himself worthy of this flattering cognomen. He was a good man -- of a peaceful disposition -- preferring the ease and comforts of peace, to the hardships and deprivations of war, and very readily followed the advice of his father, given in 1660, to cultivate friendly relations with the English. In fact, for a series of years prior to 1660, he had cultivated the friendship of the colonists, living near their advanced posts -- at his beautiful Island of Wickasauke. It was a most fortunate circumstance for the English colonists, that Wonnalancet instead of Nanamocomuck, his eldest brother, succeeded to the Sagamonship after the death of Passaconnaway. For, if Nanamocomuck possessed a tithe of the warlike qualities of his son Kancamagus, at the head of the Pennacooks in 1668, when he could readily have raised an army of 500 warriors from the Namaoskeags, Pennacooks, Winnepesaukies[,] Pequauquaukes, Sacos, and Amariscoggins, he would have presented a most powerful obstacle in the way of the progress of the Colonists. But Providence seems to have paved the way for the successful enterprise of the Colonists. Wonnalancet succeeded to the Sagamonship and always used his best endeavors to preserve the good will of his English neighbors. He must have possessed a very mild disposition, or the continual wrong-doing of the English towards him, must on some occasions have roused him to revenge his wrongs. To name but one act of oppression -- that related before, when the English, in 1642, seized and bound him, and farther insulted him, by firing upon him like a dog, when he attempted to escape from their hands -- this, had he not been of the most amiable disposition, would have provoked in him the most implacable hostility to his English oppressors. But he seems to have acted upon principle, and to have ever adhered strictly to the instructions of his father. He doubtless succeeded his father about 1668 as we find him at the head of his tribe in the spring of 1669. He then left his fort at Pennacook and removed to Pawtucket with his tribe, where they built a fort for their protection from the Mohawks of whom they stood in great fear. The goodness of his character, his humanity and generous impulse, is sufficiently proved by the sale of his home, to purchase the liberty of his brother. His oldest brother, Nanamocomuck had been imprisoned in Boston, for a debt due from another Indian to one John Tinker and for which he had become responsible. In order to raise the money to pay the debt and charges, the Indians made known to the Court their desire to dispose of the royal residence at Wickasauke, an island in the Merrimack, a few miles above Lowell. The Court gave them permission to sell it, as follows:
"License for Indians to sell an Island.
Whereas this Court is Informed yt Peasconaway's soune now in prison as surety for ye payment of a debt of forty five pounds or thereabouts and having nothing to pay but Affirme that severall Indians now in possession of a smale Island in merrimack River (about sixty acres) the half whereof is broken up; are willing after this next yeares use of their sayd Island to sell theire Interest in ye said Island to whoeuer will purchase it and so to redeem the sayd Peasconaway's soune out of prison. The magistrates are willing to allow the sayd Indians liberty to sell ye sayd Island to Ensigne Jno Evered as they and he Can Agree for ye ends aforesaid. If their brethren the deputys Concent hereto.
8 Nov. 1659. The deputys consent hereto provided the Indian[s] have liberty to sell the sid Island to him that will give most for it.
Consented to by ye magistrates.
Eewd. Rawson, Secy." (24)
Wonnalancet was the leader in the movement. Wickasauke was sold to " Ensign John Evered" or Webb as he was sometimes called, and Nanamocomuck was set at liberty. Fearing the English, his enemies, he took up his residence with the Amariscoggins, a tribe owing fealty to his father Passaconnaway, where he died prior doubtless to 1669, at which time we find Wonnalancet at the head of the Pennacooks, a place Nanamocomuck would have occupied had he been alive. The redemption of Nanamocomuck was the work of Wonnalancet, a most benevolent act, and we are at a loss to account for his continued opposition to the Christian religion, when he so uniformly acted as if prompted by its principles. But in spite of the example of his father who embraced the Christian belief in 1648, Wonnalancet continued in the belief of his ancestors, till 1674, resisting the mild persuasions of Eliot and evincing a fixed determination to die, as he had lived, in the religion of his fathers. The fort at Pawtucket, was used by Wonnalancet and his tribe, only as a refuge in case of alarm from the Mohawks -- and they continued to plant and fish up the river as usual. In 1659 as before noted, he had license to sell the Island of Wickasauke -- and afterwards had a grant of an hundred acres from the General Court "on a great hill about twelve miles West of Chelmsford, because he had a great many children and no planting grounds."
In 1665, Wonnalancet, relinquished this grant of an hundred acres upon condition that the Court should purchase "Wickasauke" for them from "Ensign John Evered" or Webb, by giving him five hundred acres of land in the wilderness adjoining his land. The petition was as follows:
"To the worshipfull Richard Bellingham, Esq. Govr and to
the rest of the Honord Generall Coart.
The petition of us poore neibour Indians whose Names are hereunto subscribed, humbly sheweth that whereas Indians severall years since we yr petit's out of pity and compassion to our pore brother and Countryman to redeem him out of prison and bondage whose name was Nanamocomuck the eldest son of Passaconewa, who was Cast into prison for a debt of another Indian unto John Tinker for which he gave his word: the redemption of whome did cost us our desirable posetions where we and ours had and did hope to enjoy our Livelihood for ourselves and posterity: namely an Island on merrimack River called by the naime of wicosurke which was purchased by Mr. John Web: who hath Curtiously Given Vs Leaue to plant vpon ever since he hath possessed the same, we doe not know whether to Goe, nor where to place ourselves for our Lively hood in procuring Vs bread; having beine very Solicitous wh Mr Webb to let vs Enjoy our said posetions againe he did condescend to our motion provided we would repay him his Charges but we are pore and Canot so doe -- or request is mr Web may have a grant of about 5 C acres of land in two places adjoyning his owne Lands in the wilderness, which is our owne proper Lands as the aforesaid Island ever was --
10: 8 :
65. Nobhow in behalf of my wife
and children
Vnanunquosett
Wanalancett
Nonatomenut.
If the Court please to grant this petition then yr petitionr wanalancett is willing to surrender up ye hundred acres of land yt was granted him by the Court."
The petition was granted in the following terms:
"In Ans. to this petition the Court grant Mr. Jno Evered five hundred acres of land upon condition hee release his right in en island in merimacke river called wicosacke which was purchased by him of the indian petitioners -- also upon condition wonalancett do release a former grant to him of an hundred acres and the court do grant said Island to petitioner -- John Parker and Jonathan Danforth are appointed to lay out this grant of five hundred acres to John Evered.
Edwd
Rawson Secy.
Consented
to by the Deputies." (25)
14 Oct. 1665.
And Wonnalancet resumed the occupation of his "desirable posetions." From 1669 till 1675, it is probable that he continued to plant this island and make his general residence there, only occupying the planting grounds at Souhegan and Pennacook and the "fishing place"' at "Namaoskeag," for so long a space as to secure their crops and catch their supply of fish. The royal residence of the Pennacook Sagamon was at "Namaoskeag," upon the hill immediately east of the Amoskeag Falls, and here Wonnalancet was accustomed, like his father, to meet his assembled subjects, and in council discuss the affairs of the confederacy, whether for war or peace. As a refuge the fort at Pennacook was kept in repair and occupied occasionally. It is even probable that the more restless and warlike of the Pennacooks may have continued to reside in the neighborhood, and at the Fort, most of the time from 1666 to 1675. But it is evident that Wonnalancet preferred to be in the neighborhood of the English. It was during this period that Wonnalancet embraced the Christian religion. Mr. Gookin says that he and Mr. Eliot visited Pawtucket, May 5, 1674. This was at the fishing season and the Indians from all the neighboring tribes had collected there to fish. In the evening Mr. Eliot preached in the wigwam of Wonnalancet, taking for his text the parable of the marriage of the king's son -- contained in the first fourteen verses of the 22d chapter of Matthew. During service Wonnalancet appeared grave and sober. In fact he had attended preaching, and kept the Sabbath, prior to this date. The next day, May 6, Mr. Eliot proposed to him to give an answer concerning his praying to God. Wonnalancet stood up, and after due pause and deliberation, gave this answer:
"Sirs, you have been pleased, for years past, in your abundant love, to apply yourselves particularly unto me and my people, to exhort, press and persuade us to pray to God. I am very thankful to you for your pains. I must acknowledge I have all my days been used to pass in [al] an old canoe, and now you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been unwilling; but now I yield myself to your advice and enter into a new canoe and do engage to pray to God hereafter." (26)
Wonnalancet doubtless lived up to his profession, though he must have possessed as much of patience, as was attributed to Job of old, to have lived under his oppressions and wrongs, and not have most signally avenged them. Gookin speaking of his conversion, in 1677 says, "I have charity and faith to believe him to be an honest Christian man, being one that in his conversation walks answerably to his knowledge. He prays in his family and is careful of keeping the Sabbath, loves to hear God's word, sober in conversation." (27) During Philip's war, Wonnalancet retired into the wilderness. The war commonly known as "Philip's War," commenced in the summer of 1675. This wily chief, stung with the wrongs of his country, had formed the design of completely destroying the English colonies. For this purpose, he had visited the various tribes of New England and endeavored to unite them in the common cause. In this he but partially succeeded. The restless and reckless of most of the tribes, readily assented to take up the hatchet; but certain tribes and the peaceably inclined in others, would not join the confederacy of Philip. The remnant of the tribe under Wonnalancet refused to join in his project, though often solicited. But Wonnalancet's position was about as uncomfortable as though he had favored the project of Philip. There was a general prejudice among the colonists against all Indians, and if any depredations were committed by the hostile Indians, there were not wanting those who were willing to accuse the friendly Indians of being privy to, or engaged in committing them, and who were ever ready to wreak their vengeance upon the innocent friendly Indians. Wonnalancet, aware of this state of things, and cognizant of the fact, that through the instigation of Philip, the Indians were planning a general attack upon the colonists, that he and his people might not be involved in the troubles, withdrew into the woods "and quartered about Pennacook." His withdrawal gave fresh alarm to the colonists. The "Great and General Court" was even disquieted at his not returning with his tribe after the planting season was over, and on September 8, 1675, ordered Capt. Thomas Brattle and Lieut. Thomas Henchman to "send a runner or two to Wonnalancet Sachem of Naamkeke who had withdrawn into the woods from fear, and to persuade him to come in again and live at Wamesit, and to inform the Indians at Pennacook and Naticook that if they will live quietly and peaceably, they shall not be harmed by the English." (28)
The order of the Court was as follows: --"It is ordered by the Council that Lieut. Thomas Henchman do forthwith endeavor to procure by hire one or two suitable Indians of Wamesit to travel and seek to find out and speak with Wonnalancet the sachem and carry with them a writing from the Council, being a safe conduct unto the said Sachem, or any other principal man belonging to Natacooke, Penagooge or other people of those Northern Indians giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of the said Henchman, where the council will appoint Capt. Gookin and Mr. Eliot to treat with them about terms of amity and peace between them and the English, and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to all others that accompany him shall have free liberty to return back again; and this offer the council are induced to make, because the said Wonnalancet sachem, as they are informed, hath declared himself that the English never did any wrong to him or his father Passaconnaway, but always lived in amity, and that his father charged him so to do and that said Wannalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the English." (29) This "runner" was not obtained to go after Wonnalancet, it would seem, till the following month when under date of Oct. 1, 1675, the following "safe conduct" was furnished by order of the council.
"This our writing or safe conduct doth
declare, that the governor and council of Massachusetts, do give
you and every of you, provided you exceed not six, free liberty
of coming unto and returning in safety from the house of Lieut.
T. Henchman at Naamkeke and there to treat with Capt. Daniel
[Gookiu] Gookin and Mr. John Eliot, whom you know, and (whom) we
will fully empower to treat and conclude with you upon such meet
terms and articles of friendship, amity and subjection as were
formerly made and concluded between the English and old
Passaconaway, your father and his sons and people; and for this
end we have sent these messengers, to convey these unto you, and
to bring your answer, whom we desire you to treat kindly, and
speedily to despatch them back to us with your answer. Dated in
Boston, 1 Oct., 1675. Signed by order of the council.
JOHN
LEVERETT, Gov'r.
EDWD
RAWSON, Sec." (30)
These messengers did not succeed in reaching Wonnalancet, but they sent the message to him, which fact, together with the other fact, that the Governor and Council sent a written message by Indian runners to Wonnalancet, goes to show that Wonnalancet or some of those with him could read writing. And it is highly probable that there was an Indian teacher with Wonnalancet during this voluntary banishment of his tribe. The message reached Wonnalancet, but he declined to return and went still farther into the woods. His conduct was considered decidedly inimical and the noted Indian fighter, Capt. Mosely, was forthwith sent with a company of a hundred men to disperse the Indian enemy at "Penagog, said to be gathered there for the purpose of mischief." But this "was a mistake," as Gookin says, "for there was (not) above one hundred in all the Penagog and Nimkig Indians whereof Wonnalancet was chief." Capt. Mosely marched to Pennacook, but no enemy, as they expected, was found there, the fort being entirely deserted. Mosely burnt their wigwams and destroyed their dried fish, which had been cured for their winter use. Gookin says,"When the English drew nigh, whereof he (Wonnalancet) had intelligence by scouts, they left their fort and withdrew into the woods and swamps, where they had advantage and opportunity enough in ambushment, to have slain many of the English soldiers, without any great hazard to themselves; and several of the young Indians inclined to it, but the Sachem Wonnalancet, by his authority and wisdom, restrained his men, and suffered not an Indian to appear or shoot a gun. They were very near the English, and yet, though they were provoked by the English, who burnt their wigwams and destroyed some dried fish, yet not one gun was shot at any Englishman." (31) For fear of molestation, and that he might not again be able to restrain his young from attacking the English, were another body of troops sent to distress them, Wonnalancet withdrew with his people farther into the wilderness and passed the winter about the headwaters of the Connecticut River. Here, says Gookin, "was a place of good hunting for moose, deer, bear and other such wild beasts." And here Wonnalancet lived with much of trouble and hardship to himself and people, rather than to be in any way drawn into the war his countrymen were making upon the English. He was too much of a patriot to fight against his countrymen, and too much of a man of principle to fight against the English, after he had subjected himself to their power and had promised his father to live in peace with them. Besides, it is fair to presume that Wonnalancet, like his father, saw the utter hopelessness of an attempt to conquer the English, on the part of his countrymen. But this decision must have cost him much of feeling, and we cannot but admire that steadfastness of determination, that should lead him to preserve a strict neutrality. For we have seen what pains the English [took took] took to induce him to come in to them, and Gookin says "he had messengers sent him more than once from the enemy, soliciting him to join with them; but he always refused." Meantime, among the Colonists there were not a few, who were desirous to stir up an excitement against the Wamesit Indians, residing below Pawtucket Falls, at the mouth of Concord River. They were accused of burning a stack of hay belonging to James Richardson (unjustly as it would seem,) and thirty-three able bodied men were taken to Boston to answer to the charge, being all the tribe except women, children, old men and cripples. Three of them were condemned to be sold as slaves and the others set free. As they passed through Woburn, under the charge of Lieut. Richardson, they were fired upon by one of a train band exercising at the same time in the village -- and one of the Indians was killed. The man who fired was named Knight. The Indian killed was related to the principal Indians of Natick and Wamesit. Knight was arrested and tried for the murder, and as Gookin says, "was acquitted by the Jury, much contrary to the mind of the bench; the Jury alleged they wanted evidence, and the prisoner plead that the gun went off by accident, indeed witnesses were mealy mouthed in giving evidence. The jury was sent out again and again by the Judges who were much unsatisfied with the Jury's proceedings; but the Jury did not see cause to alter their mind and so the fellow was cleared."
Such being the state of feeling among the people, it is not singular that greater outrages upon the Indians should follow. On the fifteenth of November, a barn of Lt. James Richardson of Chelmsford, having been burnt, and the burning charged upon the Indians, a body of fourteen armed men, went to the wigwams of the Indians, called them to come out, and after the men, women and children had come out, two of the English fired upon them, their guns being charged with buck shot, and killed one boy upon the spot, and wounded five of the women and children. The murderers, Lorgin and Robins were found Not Guilty by the Jury, as Gookin says, "to the great grief and trouble generally of magistracy and ministry and other wise and godly men." (32) There being now no safety for them at their home, the entire tribe removed into the wilderness to join Wonnalancet. The English then had reason to suppose they had gone to join the enemy, and they ordered Lieut. Henchman to send after them and persuade them to come back. An Indian by the name of Wepcositt was sent upon this embassy by Lieut. Henchman, who found the Indians about Pennacook, but could not persuade them to come back. They were living very precariously -- suffering much for want of food, but still they preferred staying in the wilderness. Simon Betogkom, their preacher was with them and preached to them every Sabbath. The first Sabbath he "read and taught the people out Psalm 35; the seccond Sabbath from Psalm 46; the third Sabbath out of Psalm 118." The 35th Psalm commences with "Plead my cause, O Lord, with them that strive with me; fight against those that fight against me." 2d verse. "Take hold of shield and buckler and stand up for my help." 3d verse. "Draw out also the spear, and stop the way against them that persecuteth me," &c. The 46th Psalm commences with "God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble.["] 2d verse. "Therefore will not we fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the sea;["] 3d verse, "Though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof." It must be confessed these Psalms were very appropriate to their circumstances. It is probable that in the second week -- the messenger sent by the Governor of Massachusetts found them -- and promised them the protection of the Government if they would return. But they refused to comply with his request, fearing the hostile Indians might bring them into some difficulty. The next and third Sabbath -- Betogkom preached from the 118th Psalm, commencing, "O give thanks unto the Lord: for he is good; because his mercy endureth forever,["] &c. 5th verse, "I called upon the Lord in distress; the Lord answered me, and set me in a large place.["] 6th verse, ["]The Lord is on my side; I will not fear; What can I do." (33)
The Indians sent back a letter to Lieut. Henchman, giving their reasons for leaving. The letter was doubtless written by Simon Betogkom and was as follows:
"To Mr. Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford. I Numphow, and John Line, we send the messenger to you again with this answer, we cannot come home again, we go towards the French, we go where Wonnalancet is; the reason is, we went away from our home, we had help from the Council, but that did not do us good, but we had wrong by the English. 2dly. The reason is we went away from the English, for when there was any harm done in Chelmsford, they laid it to us and said we did it, but we know ourselves we never did harm the English, but we go away peaceably and quietly. 3dly. As to the Island we say there is no safety for us for many English be not good, and may be they come to us and kill us, as in the other case. We are not sorry for what we leave behind, but are sorry the English have driven us from our praying to God and from our teacher, (Mr. Eliot.) We did begin to understand a little praying to God. We thank humbly the Council. We remember our love to Mr. Henchman and James Richardson.
The
mark of L. John Line, } their
The
mark of X Numphow, } Rulers. (34)
This is a true copy of their letter, and compares well with the epistolary composition of the times. Simon Betogkom wrote a very fair hand, and as a scholar reflected much credit upon his teacher, Mr. Eliot. These Indians missed of meeting with Wonnalancet and in about three weeks after, most of them were forced to return to Chelmsford from fear of starvation. A few lingered about Pennacook and did not come in till some days after. Major Gookin, Major Willard and Mr. Eliot were appointed a Committee to visit and comfort them, and to make necessary provisions for them. On the 6th of February following, the Wamesits petitioned the Governor and Council through Jerathmel Bowers, that they might be removed from Chelmsford "fearing," as they alleged "to stay, because (in all probability) other Indians would come and do mischief shortly, and it would be imputed to them and they should suffer for it."' Their petition being neglected, they fled again "into the woods towards Pennacook" leaving only some five or six persons behind who were lame and blind. These blind and lame Indians being left together in one wigwam, were inhumanly destroyed -- their wigwam was set on fire by people of Chelmsford and they were all burned together! The Wamesits succeeded this time in finding Wonnalancet, not before, however a number of their stout men had perished from hunger. Among the number who perished were Numphow their Sagamon, and Mystic George, a teacher, "besides divers other men, women and children." The remainder went in with Wonnalancet to Dover and were suffered to depart with him, among whom were, for a certainty, Sam Numphow and George Numphow, brothers of the Sagamon who had perished, and Simon Betogkom the Indian preacher. Wonnalancet did not return till after the war was over, and then went into Dover with a messenger sent for him by Major Waldron. (35)
At this time he made the following treaty with the Committee of this Province.
{
"Piscataqua River, Cochecho,
{
3 July [1676.]
At a meeting of ye Com appointed by ye Hond Genl. Ct. for to treat ye Inds. of the Eastern parts in order for ye procuring an Honll Peace with ym. Wee wth ye mutll consent of ye Sagamores Underwritten in behalfe of themselues and ye men -- Indians belonging to them being about 300 in Number, have agreed as followeth:
1ly. That hence forward none of ye said Indians shall offer any violence to ye persons of any English, nor doe any Damage to theyrs Estates in any kind whatsoever. And if any Indian or Indians shall offend herein, they shall bring or cause to bee brought ye offender to some English authority, there to be prosecuted by ye English Lawes according to ye Nature of ye Offence.
2ly. That none of said Indians shall entertain at any time any of our enemies, but shall giue psent notice to ys Comte when any one come among them, ingaging to goe forth wth ye English against them (if desired) in order to ye seizing of them. And if any of sd Indians shall themselues at any time bring such or Enemies vuto [unto] vs, they shall for their reward haue £3. for each they shall so bring in.
31y. The Indians performing on their part, as is before expressed, wee ye committee doe ingage in ye behalfe of ye English not to offer any violence to any of their persons or estates, and if any injury be offered to said Indians by any English, they [their] complaints to authority, ye offender shall be prosecuted by English Lawes according to ye nature of ye offence. In witness to each and all ye prmises we haue mutually shaken hands and subscribed our names.
{
RICHARD WALDERN
Committee {NIC: SHAPLEIGH
{THO:
DANIELL
X
WANALANSET, Sagamore
X
SAMPSON ABOQUACEMOKA
X
MR. WM. SAGMAMORE
X
SQUANDO, Sagamore
X
DONY
X
SEROGUMBA
SAMLL
NUMPHOW
The
mark X WAROCKOMEE (36)
Meantime many of the Indians who had joined in Philip's war upon the English, had returned into the wilderness and joined themselves to the Pennacooks, Pequauquaukes, and Ossipees, hoping by that means, that as Wonnalancet had continued at peace with the English, and the Pequauquaukes and Ossipees had made a treaty a short time previous, to escape punishment by being taken as of their people. So that in September, 1676, there had come into Cocheco with Wonnalancet, and through his influence, about four hundred Indians. These had the promise of good usage, and had the advice of Major Waldron been followed, good faith would have been kept with them. But on the sixth of September, Captains Syll and Hathorne came to Cocheco with the companies under their command, being on their way from Boston into the eastern country, having "order to seize all Indians." They were intent upon falling upon the Indians at once, but were dissuaded from this course by Capt. Waldron, as friends and foes would be killed in a promiscuous onslaught. Major Waldron was deserving of all praise for his prudent course in this matter, and had the Indians known of his influence in their favor, it would doubtless have prevented the massacre that took place 13 years afterwards at this very place, and in which Major Waldron was sacrificed to avenge the wrongs of this very day, attributed erroneously to him by the Indians. Major Waldron had doubtless, like most other Indian traders, been unscrupulous in his dealings with the Indians; and though his fist may have been used as a pound weight as against their furs, yet, having promised them good usage, he did all in his power on this occasion, to redeem his promise, and by his advice, doubtless, saved many of the Indians from certain death. He had to yield to higher authority and what he could not prevent, mitigate in its execution. By his advice stratagem was used in securing them. A military display was proposed for the amusement of the Indians, in which they were invited to participate. The parties were to unite in a sham fight, the English upon one side and the Indians upon the other. The Indians entered into the plan with spirit. Tradition says that the Indians were furnished with a cannon mounted upon wheels, which pleased them very much. They were ignorant of its management, and were furnished with gunners by the English. The Indians manned the dragropes, and the sham-fight commenced. In changing the direction of the cannon, the English gunners ranged the piece along a file of Indians upon one of the drag-ropes, and fired, killing and wounding a large number. This was attributed to accident. At the same time, the English troops, by a preconcerted manoeuvre, enclosed the Indians on all sides, and secured and disarmed them without loss or injury on their part. Wonnalancet, with the Pennacooks and friendly Pequauquaukes and Ossipees, were dismissed to their homes, while the others, to the number of three hundred who were known to belong to other tribes, and to have been fighting against the English, were taken to Boston, seven or eight of them hanged, and the rest of them sold into slavery. Wonnalancet and his people returned to their home at Wickasauke, where they were ordered by the General Court, and placed under the guardianship of Mr. Jonathan Tyng, of Dunstable, "with Mr. Tyng's consent and under his inspection when at home, and in his absence," * * * * * "the care of them (was) under one Robert Parris, Mr. Tyng's bayl." (37) After this outrage, Wonnalancet seems to have placed but little reliance upon the promises of the English. In fact, their faith towards the Indians may well be called "Punic," as it generally embraced hypocrisy and treachery. It was at this time that Wonnalancet called upon the Rev. Mr. Fisk, of Chelmsford, and enquired of him the news of the day, as to his old acquaintances, and particularly whether Chelmsford had suffered much during the war? Mr. Fisk told him that they had not suffered much, but had been highly favored, and for which he thanked God. "Me next," added Wonnalancet; plainly showing that, in spite of his wrongs, he had used his influence to protect his friends in Chelmsford from harm. Wonnalancet stopped about in the region of Wickasauke, till after the middle of September of the following year, evincing the same friendly disposition towards the English. In March following the seizure at Dover, Wonnalancet came into Capt. Hinchman's, at Chelmsford, with the word that the "Mohokes" were up the river near Souhegan.
This information was communicated to the Governor and Council by James Parker, "from Mr. Hinchmane's farme ner Meremack," "hast post hast."
"To the Honred Govner and Counsell. This may informe youer honores that Sagamore Evanalanset [Wonnalancet] came this morning to informe me, and then went to Mr. Tynge's to informe him that his son being one ye outher sid of Meremack River a hunting, and his dauter with him, up the River, over against Souhegan, upon the 22 day of this instant, about tene of the clock in the morning, he discovered 15 Indens on this sid the River, which he soposed to be Mohokes by ther spech. He called them, they answered, but he culd not understand ther spech, and he having a conow ther in the River, he went to breck his conow that they might not have ani ues of it, in the mene time thay shot about thirty guns at him, and he being much frighted, fled and come home forthwith to Nahamcok, wher ther wigowemes now stand.
Not Eles at present, but Remain youer servant to comand.
JAMES PARKER.
Rec'd 9 night 24: muh 76 - 7." (38)
But the English had taken his planting grounds, and had put them under cultivation, and he had "not where to lay his head." Mr. Eliot says, "He (Wonnalancet) was persuaded to come in again; but the English having plowed and sown all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. A party of French Indians (of whom some were of the kindred of this Sachem's wife) very lately fell upon this people, being but few and unarmed, and partly by persuasion and partly by force carried them away." (39) The fact is, Wonnalancet saw his lands taken up and improved, which the Legislature had granted him, and he saw that he could not settle down upon them again with safety, and he made a virtue of necessity, and retired with a company of his friends to reside with them at the Indian settlement of St. Francis. This was about the 19th of September, 1677. His thus retiring gave cause to his enemies to reproach him with the old story of being hostile, but he lived down this as he had other calumnies.
Major Gookin, the fast friend of Wonnalancet gives the following reasons for his leaving, and retiring to St. Francis:
"First, this man had but a weak company, not above eight men; and those, except two or three, remained. Secondly, he lived at a dangerous frontier place, both for the Maqauas that were now in small parties, watching opportunities to slay and captivate these Indians, and had lately done mischief a few miles off; * * on the other side, the Eastern Indians, that were in hostility with the English, might easily have access to this place. Thirdly, he had but little corn to live on for the ensuing winter, for his land was improved by the English before he came in. Fourthly, the Indians that came from the French were his kindred and relations, for one of them was his wife's brother; and his oldest son also lived with the French. Fifthly, those Indians informed him that the war was not yet at an end, and that he would live better and with more safety among the Indians." (40) These were cogent reasons, and would be likely to weigh much with a man in the position of Wonnalancet. The only wonder is that Wonnalancet had not retired long before, and made common cause with the enemies of the English, as they and portions of his tribe had repeatedly urged him to do. It is not known how long he stayed at St. Francis. It is probable, however, that as soon as the war was closed, in 1678, and a peace established with the Eastern Indians, that Wonnalancet returned to Pennacook. But he was not in command of his tribe; for May 15th[.], 1685, we find Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, at the head of the tribe of Pennacook. This Sagamon and Mesandowit, his second, signed the treaty of September 8, 1685, between the Provinces of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and the Indians inhabiting the said Provinces -- Kancamagus signing it and assenting thereto, the 19th of September. It is evident from this that Wonnalancet was either not at Pennacook at the time of making this treaty, or if he was, that he was not the Sagamon -- Kancamagus and Mesandowit appearing for the Pennacooks. Yet, on or about the 17th of September of the same year Wonnalancet was at Pennacook, as is proved by the following grant upon record in the office of the Secretary of State of Massachusetts.
"The Magistrates being informed by Capt. Hinchman that Wonnalancet and other Indians complain of offence offered them by transporting some of their friends, and that ye said Wonnalancet and others are not rewarded for service now done as in ye treaty late with ye Indians at Pennacook. We judge meet that ye treasurer advance ten pounds in money and clothing to be distributed among them by Capt. Thomas Henchman and Mr. Jonathan Tyng.
Cont when ye Deputys consenting.
Edward Rawson, Sec'y,
17 September 1685,
The Deputys have past this our honored
Magistrates consenting thereto.
Richard
Sprague
Per
order.
Sept. 18, 1685.
Consented to by Magistrates.
Edward
Rawson Secy." (41)
Again, August 13, 1685, Capt. Walter Barefoot, acting Governor of the Province, was notified by Capt. Francis Hooke, of Kittery, that the Indians about Saco had "gathered all the yre corn and had removed both pack and package." Upon this information, messengers were sent to Pennacook, where the Indians had gathered together. They arrived at Pennacook the 2d of September, and were "kindly received by them." The messengers sent to Governor Barefoote that "Both sagamons of Pennacook, viz. Wonnalancet and Mesandowit, the latter of which is come down, did there declare they had no intention of war, neither, indeed, are they in any posture for war, being about 24 men besides squaws and papooses." (42) Which sufficiently shows that Wonnalancet was at Pennacook in Sept. 1685; yet his name does not appear to the treaty of Sept. 8th, 1685. Which fact seems to show pretty conclusively that Wonnalancet, when he left with his family for St. Francis, in 1677, was considered by those of his tribe who remained behind, as having abdicated the Sagamonship; and it is highly probable that Kancamagus, the son of Nanamocomuck, and grandson of Passaconnaway was then duly enstalled in the Sagamonship of his grandfather, as the rightful heir of the same. This being the posture of affairs, Wonnalancet, in 1685 was merely upon a visit to his friends, intending to return to St. Francis again, and hence his name was of no sort of influence to the treaty of September 8th, 1685. Be this as it may, he was politically dead, for his nephew, Kancamagus, was the duly recognised Sagamon of Pennacook in 1685, as early as May 15, of that year, as at that date he appeared at Portsmouth, with the leading men of his tribe, and in certain letters of that date to Governor Cranfield, asking the protection of the Government for his tribe, he signs his name as Sagamon. In 1686 Wonnalancet and the Indians claiming lands on the Merrimack at Wamesit, Pawtucket, Nashua and Natticook, sold the same to Jonathan Tyng and others, for a small sum of money, if we are to judge from the fact that the portion of the purchase money, paid by Dunstable, within whose ancient limits most of the lands were included, was only 20 pounds. This land was purchased sometime in the spring or early part of the summer of 1686, for July 12, 1686, a petition was laid before the General Court of Massachusetts, from the purchasers, praying that the land bought of Wonnalancet, be made into a new County, to be called Merrimack. The sale of this land is the last important act of Wonnalancet of which we can find any record, and it is probable he returned forthwith to St. Francis; for we find not his name mentioned afterwards till 1696, when he again returned to Wamesit, and in that and the following year, was placed, with his people under the charge of Mr. Jonathan Tyng who lived in that part of Dunstable now known as Tyngsborough; and for taking care of him Mr. Tyng received 20 pounds from the State. As no trace of Wonnalancet is to be found in our ancient records, after this transaction, it is highly probable that, finding himself, as it were, a prisoner in the home of his fathers, he retired to St. Francis, and spent the remainder of his days with his friends of that tribe. In reviewing the life of this Indian Prince, one cannot but be favorably impressed with his character. He was a good man and an exemplary christian; and had our forefathers, in their conduct towards him, been actuated by the same principles, the old Sagamon, instead of retiring among our enemies for security, might have spent the close of his days, in peace and quietness, in the land of his fathers. Kancamagus, or as he sometimes wrote his name, and was most often called by the English, John Hogkins, was the son of Nanamocomuck, the eldest son of Passaconnaway. Nanamocomuck, as before stated, was the Sagamon of the tribe of Indians living near the Wachusett mountain in Massachusetts, and at one time was an attendant upon the preaching of Eliot, and promised with his father to embrace the Christian religion; but the injuries he received at the hands of the English, forced him to forego all his good resolutions, and finally to abandon his Sagamonship, and seek an asylum among the Indians of Maine. From this time, he doubtless became the determined foe to the English, and in all probability took particular pains to instill his dislike and hatred into the minds of his children. We have no means of determining the precise time of the death of Nanamocomuck; but it is probable that he died prior to the decease of his father, as Wannalancet his younger brother succeeded to the Sagamonship of Pennacook upon the death of Passaconnaway their father, which succession would not have taken place, had the elder brother been living.
Upon the retirement of Wonnalancet in [1777] 1677, the warlike portion of the tribe remained at Pennacook, without a chief, but this want was soon supplied by the elevation of Kancamagus to the Sagamonship of Pennacook. This chief was a politic, brave and intelligent man. His superior skill, and bravery, had placed him among the foremost of the Amariscoggin warriors, where he was treated as a superior Chief, had his followers, and maintained a fort in connection with Worombo. Under the rule of so noted a warrior as Kancamagus, the Pennacooks soon became formidable. Their numbers were continually increasing by accession from the disaffected among the southern New England Indians -- who were denominated by the English "the strange Indians," until in [1783] 1683, they had become a source of continual alarm and fear to their English neighbors. Many of these "strange Indians" were of the number so perfidiously taken at Cocheco in 1676, and sold into slavery by the Government of Massachusetts. These had returned, and putting themselves under the control of Kancamagus, were waiting a fitting opportunity to satiate their revenge upon the Colonists. It is also very probable that Kancamagus himself, and some of his Amariscoggin followers, were of the number taken at that time and let go free, as friendly Indians. Under such circumstances, the Indians were very haughty in their intercourse with the frontier settlers, and did not hesitate often to express their hostility to the English, and their determination to seek revenge. The colonists felt greatly alarmed, and Governor Cranfield in 1683-4, entered upon the perfidious policy of employing the Mohawks to fight against the Indians of New Hampshire. And as early as March 22, 1683, he was authorized by the council to go to New York and treat with "Honorable Colonel T. Dongans," "for procuring such a number of Mohauck, Senecar or other Indians to march into this said Province, for defence and security thereof as the Hon'ble Govern't shall think needful." (43) Governor Cranfield visited New York and treated for the assistance of the Mohawks, little caring, doubtless, whether the Mohawks killed friends or foes. The Mohawks made preparations for a descent upon the New England Indians, in the Spring and Summer of 1685. Of these preparations, the Pennacooks had word, and were in very great trouble. It would seem that the celebrity of Kancamagus who succeeded Wonnalancet as a chief, had drawn around him some noted warriors at Pennacook, as well as other noted Indians. Simon Betogkom was there, the Indian preacher; the Robins, the father called "Old," and Peter; Sam Line, Canowa, Mesandowit and the renowned Hopehood or Wahowah, "the broad shouldered." Betogkom and the Robins were of the Wamesits, while Hopehood or Wahowah was the son of Robinhood, Sagamon of Kennebeck, and had retired to Pennacook for safety. There can be no doubt of the wish of Kancamagus and his companions, to live in peace with the English. Upon hearing that the Mohawks contemplated making an attack upon the Eastern Indians, most of the Indians in and about the Fort at Pennacook fled; but Kancamagus or John Hogkins as he was called by the English, with certain of his companions went to Great Island, (now New Castle) to see the Governor in person, and ask his protection.
On the 15th of May, 1685, he addressed the following letter to Governor Cranfield:
Honur Governor, my friend.
You my friend, I desire your worship and your power, because I hope you can do some great matters this one. I am poor and naked and I have no men, at my place, because I afriad allwayes Mohogs he will kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake rever called Panukkog and Natukkog. I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want powder and such alminishon, shott and guns because I have forth at my hom and I plant theare.
This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble Servant,
John
Hogkins.
Simon
Betogkom
Joseph
X traske
King
X hary
Sam
X linis
wapeguanat
X Taguachuwashat
old
X Robin
mamanosques
X andwa
peter
X Robin
mr.
Jorge X Roddunnonukgus
mr
hope X hoth
John
X Toneh
John
Canowa
John
X owamosimmin
Natonill
X lndian (44)
The same day Kancamagus sent another letter or petition to Governor Cranfield, which shows he was laboring under great anxiety.
may
15th, 1685.
Honour Mr. Governor. now this day
I com your house, I want se you and I bring my hand at before
you I want shake hand to you if worship when it please, then you
Receive my hand, then shake your hand and my hand. You my friend
because I Remember at old time when live my grant father and
grant mother then Englishmen com this country, then my
grantfather and Englishmen, they make a good gouenant, they
friend allwayes, my grant father leuing at place called malamake
Rever, other name hef Natukkog and Panukkog, that one Rever
great many names and I bring you this few skins at this first
time I will giue you my friend.
this all Indian hand
John
X hawkins, Sagamon.
Simon
Betogkom
Joseph
X traske
King
X hary his
Sam
X linis
wapeguanat
X Taguachuashat
old
Robin X
mamanosques
X andwa
Peter
X Robin
mr.
Jorge X Roddunnonukgus
Hope
X hoth
John
X Toneh
John
X Conowa
John
X owamosimmin
Natonill
X Indian (45)
This letter, doubtless, brought an answer from the Governor, a few beaver skins reaching his ear at once; and Kancamagus was invited to visit the Governor in the evening.
At this time, Kancamagus, doubtless, made the following proposition.
"please your worship -- I will intreat you matther. You my friend now (then) this if my Indian he do you long pray you not put your law because som my Indian foll, som men much love drunk then he no know what he do, may be he do mischief when he drunk if so pray you must let me know what he done because I will ponis him what he have done you, you my friend if you desire any business then sent me I will help you if I can.
Mr. John hogkins." (46)
The Governor was doubtless too busy to attend to the requests of Kancamagus, and being about to leave the place; he turned him over to Mr. Mason of the Council, telling him that whatever Mr. Mason should do, would be the same as though he did it.
The next day Kancamagus sent the following letter to Mr. Mason.
"mr mason pray I want Speake you a few a words if your worship when please because I come parpos I will speake this Gouernor but he go away So he Say at last night and so far I understand this Gouernor his power that your power now, so he speake his own mouth, pray if you take what I want, pray com to me because I want go hom this day
your
humble servant
John
hogkins, Indian Sogamon. (47)
may 16th 1685.
But Mason as well as Cranfield, treated the requests of the Sagamon with neglect, and he retired from New Castle with no very high opinion of English hospitality or justice. It is evident that Hogkins at this time was faithful to the English, and had Cranfield treated him with decency and complied with his desire for protection, he would still have remained friendly and much trouble and bloodshed might have been prevented. But Cranfield depended upon the perfidious policy he had entered into, of bringing the Mohawks down upon the Indians within the Province -- thus exterminating friends and foes; or rather he had his own safety to consult, as he doubtless left the Province at this time. Finding his efforts to gain assistance from the English in vain, Hogkins fled with his companions to the eastward, where he built a Fort upon the Amariscoggin river. The Mohawks having sent word from the Fort at Albany that "they would kill all Indians from Uncas at mouint Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscott," the Indians about Saco, gathered their corn and removed into the wilderness. Netambomet, the Sagamon of Saco with his people, and the other neighboring Indians, left and fled to Pennacook. This removal of the Indians gave serious alarm to the colonists, as they considered it a signal for war -- and messengers were sent to ask the cause of removal. But the Indians had no intention of commencing hostilities, but on the contrary fled because they feared the Mohawks. The messengers followed them to Pennacook and asking the reason why they did not come among the English as formerly, they answered, "they thought if the Mohawks came and fought them, and they should fly for succour to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for harboring them." (48) Wonnalancet and Mesandowit, being at Pennacook assured the messengers that the "Pennacooks had no intention of making war, being in no condition to do so, there not being but about twenty-four men at Pennacook besides squaws and pappooses." Kancamagus was not at Pennacook, and it is probable that most of his men were with him upon the Amariscoggin. Mutual explanations took place, the Sacos and other Indians who had left their homes, agreed to return thither again, and a day was appointed upon which to make a treaty with them. This was done on the 8th of September. At this time some of the Sagamons were present with the Council of New Hampshire and a deputation from Maine, and formed a treaty -- which was signed on the part of the Indians by Mesandowit, Wahowah, alias Hopehood, Tecamorisick, alias Josias, and John Nomony, alias Robin. Afterwards another clause was added and the whole was signed by Netambomet, Sagamon of Saco, Wahowah, alias Hopehood, Ned Higgon, and Newcome.
On the 19th of September, Kancamagus alias John Hogkins, came in, together with Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske, and signed this treaty in the presence of Joseph Rayn the Attorney General of the province, all of which may be seen in the treaty itself, which follows:
Articles of peace agreed upon the eighth day of September, in the year of our Lord, 1685, between the subjects of his majesty, king James the second, inhabiting the provinces of New Hampshire and Maine, and the Indians inhabiting the said provinces. It is agreed there shall be for the future, a lasting peace, frendship and kindness, between the English and the Indians, and that no injury shall be offered by the one or the other. That if any Englishman doth any injury to an Indian, upon complaint made to any justice of [the] peace, the Englishman shall be punished, the Indian shall have present satisfaction made him. And if any Indian doth an injury to the Enlglish, or threaten to do any injury, the sagamore to whom that Indian doth belong, shall punish him in presence of one of the king's justices of the peace. That if any other Indian shall design any mischief or harm to the English, the Indians inhabiting the aforesaid provinces shall give present notice thereof to the English, and shall assist the English.
That so long as the aforesaid Indians shall continue in friendship with the English, they shall be protected against the Mohawks, or any others, and may freely and peaceably set down by the English near any theyr plantations.
Robert
Mason,
Walter
Barefoote,
Robert
Elliot,
Henry
Green,
John
Davis,
Francis
Hook.
We whose names are hereunto written, do freely consent and engage to comply and perform the within written articles, as our neighbors have done, and do further engage as followeth:
Lastly, That the Indians shall not at any time hereafter remove from any of the English plantations, with their wives and children, before they have given fair and timely notice thereof, unto the English, from whence they do so remove; and in case the said Indians shall remove with their wives and children, without such fair and timely notice given to the English, that then it shall be taken proconfesso that the Indians do intend and design war with the English, and do thereby declare that the peace is broken; and it shall and may be lawful to and for the English, or any on their behalfs, to apprehend the said Indians, with their wives and children, and to use acts of hostility against them, until the sagamores shall make full satisfaction for all charge and damage that may arise thereby.
John
Davis,
Francis
Hooke.
And agreed to all within written.
Testis,
JOSEPH RAYN. (49)
This treaty continued a peace for four years. During the time from 1676 to 1685, many of the "strange Indians," as they were called, who had been taken at Cocheco in 1676, by Capts. Waldron, Frost, Syll and Hathorne, and who had been transported, had returned home with a determination to wreak their vengeance upon the whites. Mindful ever of kindness the Indians never forget an injury. These, with other reckless spirits collected together at Pennacook and being in close intimacy with the Pequuauquakes and Amariscoggins, they made up a formidable force. The Massachusetts Government had word of their gathering and of their warlike threats. Wahowah, alias Hopehood, had become peculiarly obnoxious at this time, and the 24th of April, 1689, "Col. Bartholomew Gedney of Salem is instructed by the Council of Massachusetts to despatch a messenger to Penacook to ascertain the number and sitnation of the Indians there, and to concert measures for securing Hopehood and other hostile Indians." (50) Nothing was effected towards dispersing the Indians and Kancamagus had soon about him a band of warriors prepared for any enterprise. Some of the friends of the Pennacooks had doubtless been taken at Cocheco and transported. Montowampate, the Sachem of Saugus, and who was a relative by marriage of John Hogkins, had been sold as a slave at Barbadoes, and it may have been he was among those taken at Cocheco. This outrage alone, to the family of Passaconnaway his "grant father" would have been a sufficient cause of revenge on the part of the Pennacook Chief. Be this as it may, the fact that the strange Indians were under the protection of the New Hampshire tribes -- and had gone into Cocheco with them, and been most inhospitably, not to say inhumanly treated by the English, called upon those Indians loudly for revenge. They considered it a most gross injustice on the part of Major Waldron, and their personal feelings prompted them to take most signal vengeance upon him. Added to this, Kancamagus and his companions had been treated with the most pointed neglect by Cranfield and his Council, and it is not likely that four years of peace even, had blunted their memory of the neglect, or their desire for revenge. The feelings of the Pennacooks were thus exasperated, when the emissaries of the French went among them to induce them to take up the hatchet in the war, known as "King William's War." They probably needed very little urging. And one cannot but wonder at this day, that they should not have joined in a general war upon the English. They had been treated with neglect or the most flagrant oppression. Their friends had been sold into slavery, hung upon trees in Boston -- shot down in the streets at noonday, and burnt in their wigwams by the dozen in time of peace! What class or nation of Whites at the present time, would suffer such wrongs to go unavenged! And should we expect more of patience, from the rude untutored Red Man! Besides, that haughty oppressor, Sir Edmund Andros, had provoked the war on the part of the French, by plundering the house and fort of the Baron Castine, in the spring of 1688 at Penobscot, "leaving only the ornaments of his Chapel to console him for the loss of his arms and his goods." Castine had married for one of his wives, the daughter of Madokawando, the Sagamon of Penobscot, and by adopting the habits of the Indians, had gained very great influence among them. His cause soon became the common cause of all the Indians in the eastern parts of New England. The Pennacooks still brooding over their wrongs -- readily entered into a confederacy with the Pequauquaukes, Sacos, Amariscoggins and other eastern Indians, to avenge them. The confederacy had become formidable by the incorporation of the remnants of the Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut tribes, with the several tribes composing those before noted. Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, was the acknowledged head of the confederacy, while under him, were such noted warriors as Mesandowit, Metambomet and the hated Wahowah. The confederated warriors had their rendezvous at the Fort at Pennacook, where it was determined in a council holden about the middle of June 1689, to make an attack upon the Garrison of Cocheco. Information of this gathering, and of the intentions of the Indians towards Major Waldron and Capt. Peter Coffin, was communicated to Capt. Thomas Hinchman at Chelmsford, by certain friendly Indians. This information was forthwith communicated to Hon, Mr. Danforth of the Council in this wise.
Hon'd Sir,
This day two Indians came from Pennacook, viz. Job Maramasquand and Peter Muckamug, who report that damage will undoubtedly be done within a few days at Piscataqua, and that Major Waldron in particular is threatened; and that Julimatt fears that mischief will quickly be done at Dunstable. The Indians can give a more particular account to your honor. They say if damage be done, the blame shall not be on them, having given a faithful account of what they hear; and are upon that report moved to leave their habitation and corn at Pennacook. Sir, I was very loth to trouble you, and to expose myself to the censure and derision of some of the confident people, that would pretend to make a sport with what I send down by Capt. Tom, (alias, Thomas Ukqucakussennum.).
I am constrained from a sense I have of my duty, and from love to my countrymen, to give the information as above. So with my humble service to your honor, and prayers for the safety of an endangered people, I am, Sir your humble servant.
THO.
HINCHMAN.
June 22,
This 22 June.
Hon'd. Sir,
This day Captayne Tom and another
Indian informed me that there is farther mischief intended by
the Indians, which the bearer hereof, Thomas Loud, is able to
inform you of. -- yrs.
T.
H.
Hon. Thomas Danforth, Esq, at
Cambridge. (51)
Mr. Danforth being detained from the meeting of the Council, sent Major Hinchman's notes to Governor Bradstreet enclosed in the following letter.
June 22, 1689.
Hon. Sir, -- The enclosed came
to hand last night by the bearer, who has farther to inform, and
gives such a character of the Indians, and brings such a report
as gives great cause to fear it too true. He will inform of the
names, who they are, and of the manner that they plotted their
designs. Something must of necessity be done, or matters will
grow worse. I understand that Hawkins is a principal enemy, and
that he threatens that whosoever comes to treat, whether English
or Indians they will knock them on the head. They are a company
of young men, 30 in a company. They have a special design on
Maj. Waldron and Peter Coffin, and under pretence of trade
intends to surprise them and that speedily. I am much afraid, if
there be no speedy course taken their company will increase. I
must beg excuse for my absence to-day, for by the providence of
God I am detained. God direct.
Your humble servant,
THOMAS
DANFORTH.
N. B. I entreat that Maj. Waldron have
speedy notice; better to send on purpose than not at all."
The Governor and Council most unaccountably and reprehensibly, seem to have taken no notice of this information until the 27th of June, when they passed the following order.
"Considering the present danger of an assault by the Indians, on the county of Middlesex, it is ordered that John Philips, Esq. be commander in chief of the lower regiment, and Maj. Tho. Hinchman, of the upper regiment in Middlesex, and so continue till an orderly nomination of Majors can be made for the said regiments.
Consented to by the Governor and Council,
ISAAC
ADDINGTON, Sec'y.
June 27, 1689.
They then despatched a Mr. Weare to Cocheco with a letter disclosing the Indian plot as follows:
"Boston,
June 27, 1689.
Hon'ble Sir,
The Governor and Council having this day received a letter from Major Hinchman of Chelmsford, informing that some Indians are come in unto them who report, that there is a gathering of some Indians in or about Penecooke with designs of mischief to the English. Among these said Indians one Hawkins is said to be a principal designer; and that they have a particular design against yourself and Mr. Peter Coffin.
The Council thought it necessary to
send you advice thereof, and to give you notice, that you may
take care of your safeguard; they intending to endeavor to
betray you on a pretention of trade. Please forthwith to signify
the import hereof to Mr. Coffin and others as you may think
necessary, and advise of what information you may at any time
receive of the Indian's motions.
By
order of Council,
ISAAC
ADDINGTON, Sec'y.
For Maj. Waldron and Mr. Peter Coffin, or either of them at Cochecha. These with all possible speed."
Some delay of Mr. Weare at the ferry at Newbury, prevented his arrival at Cocheco till the 28th of June, after the threatened attack upon the Garrison had been consummated, and the vengeance of the Indians fully satisfied by the torture and death of Major Waldron, and the killing and capturing of fifty-two men women and children, and the burning of six houses, and the mills of the settlement.
This surprisal took place on the night of June 27, 1689, and was executed with great adroitness; and shows that Kancamagus was a warrior of skill, and that his assistants were men of coolness in a time of much peril. Mesandowit was feasted at Waldron's table the evening previous, and foreshadowed the impending attack with the greatest coolness, by asking of his host " What he should do if the strange Indians should come!"
The asking of this question shows that the threats of the strange Indians were well known to Waldron -- and the reply that " he could assemble an hundred men by lifting his finger," shows that he had schooled his feelings into the most perfect security.
Dr. Belknap has related the circumstances of this massacre with much of minuteness, as follows:
"In that part of the town of Dover, which lies about the first falls in the river Cochecho, were five garrisoned houses; three on the north side, viz. Waldron's, Otis's and Heard's; and two on the south side, viz. Peter Coffin's and his son's. These houses were surrounded with timber-walls, the gates of which, as well as the house doors, were secured with bolts and bars.
The neighboring families retired to these houses by night; but by an unaccountable negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians, who were daily passing through the town, visiting and trading with the inhabitants, as usual in time of peace, viewed their situation with an attentive eye. Some hints of a mischievous design had been given out by their squaws; but in such dark and ambiguous terms, that no one could comprehend their meaning. Some of the people were uneasy; but Waldron, who, from a long course of experience, was intimately acquainted with the Indians, and on other occasions had been ready enough to suspect them, was now so thoroughly secure, that when some of the people hinted their fears to him, he merrily bade them to go and plant their pumpkins, saying that he would tell them when the Indians would break out. The very evening before the mischief was done, being told by a young man that the town was full of Indians and the people were much concerned; he answered that he knew the Indians very well and there was no danger.
The plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that two squaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in the evening, and ask leave to lodge by the fire; that in the night when the people were asleep, they should open the doors and gates, and give the signal by a whistle; upon which, the strange Indians, who were to be within hearing, should rush in, and take their long meditated revenge. This plan being ripe for execution, on the evening of Thursday, the twenty-seventh of June, two squaws applied to each of the garrisons for lodging, as they frequently did in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the younger Coffin's, and the people, at their request, shewed them how to open the doors, in case they should have occasion to go out in the night. Mesandowit, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron's garrison, and was kindly entertained, as he had often been before. The squaws told the major, that a number of Indians were coming to trade with him the next day, and Mesandowit while at supper, with his usual familiarity, said, 'Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange Indians should come?' The major carelessly answered, that he could assemble an hundred men, by lifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting confidence, the family retired to rest.
When all was quiet, the gates were opened, and the signal was given. The Indians entered, set a guard at the door, and rushed into the major's apartment, which was an inner room.
Awakened by the noise, he jumped out of bed, and though now advanced in life to the age of eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to drive them with his sword, through two or three doors; but as he was returning for his other arms, they came behind him, stunned him with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating him in an elbow chair, on a long table, insultingly asked him, "Who shall judge Indians now?" They then obliged the people in the house to get them some victuals; and when they had done eating, they cut the major across the breast and belly with knives, each one with a stroke, saying, "I cross out my account." They then cut off his nose and ears, forcing them into his mouth; and when spent with the loss of blood, he was falling down from the table, one of them held his own sword under him, which put an end to his misery. They also killed his son in law Abraham Lee: (7) but took his daughter Lee with several others, and having pillaged the house, left it on fire. Otis's garrison, which was next to the major's, met with the same fate; he was killed, with several others, and his wife and child were captivated. Heard's was saved by the barking of a dog just as the Indians were entering: Elder Wentworth, (8) who was awakened by the noise, pushed them out, and falling on his back, set his feet against the gate and held it till he had alarmed the people; two balls were fired through it, but both missed him. Coffin's house was surprized, but as the Indians had no particular enmity to him, they spared his life, and the lives of his family, and contented themselves with pillaging the house. -- Finding a bag of money, they made him throw it by handfuls on the floor, whilst they amused themselves in scrambling for it. They then went to the house of his son who would not admit the squaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, promising him quarter. He declined their offer, and determined to defend his house, till they brought out his father and threatened to kill him before his eyes. Filial affection then overcame his resolution, and he surrendered. They put both families together into a deserted house, intending to reserve them for prisoners; but whilst the Indians were busy in plundering, they all escaped. Twenty-three people were killed in this surprisal, and twenty-nine were captivated; five or six houses, with the mills, were burned; and so expeditious were the Indians in the execution of their plot, that before the people could be collected from the other parts of the town to oppose them, they fled with their prisoners and booty. As they passed by Heard's garrison in their retreat, they fired upon it; but the people being prepared and resolved to defend it, and the enemy being in haste, it was preserved. The preservation of its owner was more remarkable.
Elizabeth Heard, with her three sons and a daughter, and some
others, were returning in the night from Portsmouth. They passed
up the river in their boat unperceived by the Indians, who were
then in possession of the houses; but suspecting danger by the
noise which they heard, after they had landed they betook
themselves to Waldron's garrison, where they saw lights, which
they imagined were set up for direction to those who might be
seeking a refuge. They knocked and begged earnestly for
admission; but no answer being given, a young man of the company
climbed up the wall, and saw to his inexpressible surprise, an
Indian standing in the door of the house, with his gun. The
woman was so overcome with the fright that she was unable to
fly; but begged her children to shift for themselves; and they
with heavy hearts, left her. When she had a little recovered,
she crawled into some bushes, and lay there till day-light. She
then perceived an Indian coming toward her with a pistol in his
hand; he looked at her and went away; returning, he looked at
her again; and she asked him what he would have; he made no
answer, but ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more.
-- She kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians
were gone; and then returning home, found her own house safe.
Her preservation in these dangerous circumstances was more
remarkable, if (as it is supposed) it was an instance of justice
and gratitude in the Indians. For at the time when the four
hundred were seized in 1676, a young Indian escaped and took
refuge in her house, where she concealed him in return for which
kindness he promised her that he would never kill her, nor any
of her family in any future war, and that he would use his
influence with the other Indians to the same purpose. This
Indian was one of the party who surprised the place, and she was
well known to the most of them.["]
The boldness -- skill and success of the attack and massacre, filled the colonies with amazement. The leader, John Hogkins was outlawed by the General Court of Massachusetts and a price set upon his head. Capt. Noyes with a party of soldiers, was sent to Pennacook, but the Pennacooks had fled and the soldiers found nothing but some corn, which they destroyed. Another party under Capt. John Wincol, marched to lake Winnepesaukee, where they killed one or two Indians, and destroyed their corn. The whole frontiers were in a state of alarm and excitement. The Indians hovered about in this neighborhood for some time, and soon after made an attack upon the settlement at Oyster River.
But most of the Indians engaged in the expedition against Cocheco made directly for Canada, and hence eluded all pursuit. In September following, the fort upon the Amariscoggin was attacked by Capt. Church. It was called Worombo's fort. In it was the sister of Kancamagus, his brother in law, his wife and his children, but the wily Pennacook was not found. His sister was slain,:while his wife and two children were made prisoners. His brother in law was also taken, but escaped. The capture of his wife and children exasperated Kancamagus, and on the 21st of the same month, he with Worombo, attacked Church at Casco, and fighting with desperation, were not beaten back till much hard fighting, and seven of Church's party had been killed, and twenty-four wounded. It is probable that his wife and children were returned, for in 1691, the year following their captivity, Kancamagus was one of the Sagamons who formed the truce at " Sackatehock," which was to continue until May, 1692. Kancamagus doubtless, stipulated for Pennacook, Winnepesaukee, Ossipee and Pequauquauke. We find no mention made of Kancamagus after the truce of 1691, and think it most probable that he died soon after that event, for if he had been alive during the remainder of "King William's War," which ended in 1698, or during "Queen Anne's War " which lasted from 1703 to 1712, this fierce and warlike Sagamon, would have been engaged in some of the conflicts of those times.
Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, was a brave and politic Chief, and in view of what he accomplished, at the head of a mere remnant of a once powerful tribe, it may be considered a most fortunate circumstance for the English colonists, that he was not at the head of the tribe, at an earlier period, before it had been shorn of its strength, during the old age of Passaconnaway, and the peaceful and inactive reign of Wonnalancet. And even had Kancamagus have succeeded to the Sagamonship ten years earlier than he did, so that his acknowledged abilities for counsel and war, could have been united with those of Philip, history might have chronicled another story then the inglorious death of the Sagamon of Mount Hope, in the swamp of Pokanoket; or the success of his renowned conqueror, Major Church.
After the affair at Cocheco, in which the warlike portion of the Pennacooks were first and foremost, they made but little tarry in this neighborhood. Some of Wonnalancet's adherents, ever peaceably disposed, were scattered at various points up and down the Merrimack, few in numbers, dragging out a precarious existence in hunting and fishing and scanty tillage. But Kancamagus and his followers quit the valley of the Merrimack entirely, joining the bands at the sources of the Saco, Amariscoggin and Connecticut, or retiring among their friends at St. Francis. Thus the royal residence of the Pennacook Sagamons at Namaoskeag became comparatively deserted. At Dunstable, a few Indians remained while "Lovewell's fight" in 1725, and at Namaoskeag and Pennacook, quite a number remained for some years after that event. Among others there was Christian, a well known Indian who lived at Namaoskeag and in this neighborhood as late as 1745. His name was Christian, which was shortened to Christo and Christi. Christo was one of the "praying Indians" and hence doubtless his name. Christo lived at Namaoskeag, upon the bank of a little brook that empties into the Merrimack, from the east, just below the Namaoskeag Falls, and which is now known as Christian's Brook. Here he had his residence, living by fishing and hunting, and upon the most friendly terms with the whites.
He was accused at length of rendering assistance to his brethren in time of war, but with how much of truth we are not able to state, as this charge was usually brought against the "praying Indians," by certain prejudiced persons, whether they were guilty or not. Tradition says, that Christo was suspected of being in the battle of Pequauquauke, assisting his countrymen, and that soon after that battle, the people from Dunstable and Haverhill came up to Namaoskeag to wreak their vengence upon him, and not finding him at home, they destroyed his wigwam. But whether this act of destroying his wigwam was soon after the fight at Pequauquauke, or at a later period, we have no means of determining.
Of one thing, however, there is no doubt, -- his wigwam was destroyed by the whites, and because of their enmity towards him or his people. And it is probable that tradition is true as to the time of the event, as Gov. Dummer in a letter to Col. Tyng of Dunstable, of that date, expressed a wish that a certain "Indian of note" whom he sent to him, "should march with him in company with Christian" to bury the dead who fell in the battle at Pequauquauke. And it is probable, that when the expedition came to Namaoskeag, Christo may have been absent from his wigwam, and this fact was turned to his disadvantage, and resulted in the valiant expedition from Dunstable and Haverhill against him, wherein his wigwam was burned. But it is more than probable, that this attempt upon Christo's life, and the destruction of his property, was a complete outrage, and that their suspicions of his fidelity to the English at that time, were entirely groundless. This is made apparent, from the fact, that Christo was afterwards in the confidence of the government, and in the subsequent Indian wars, was employed as a scout, his name appearing upon the rolls of the day repeatedly at Canterbury, and his pay having been allowed by the Legislature, as late as 1745, as appears by the following bill. --
The Province of New Hampshire to
Jeremiah Clough, Dr.
To keeping Christo by order of
the Captain General, 30 days
from the 19th of Dec. to the
19th of Jan.,1745.
To Billeting at 3s. per
day,
£4 10 0
To his
wages,
5
7 0
----------
£9
17 0
JEREMIAH
CLOUGH.
Province
of }
N.
Hamp. }
In ye House of Repre. } Jerh.
Clough above sd. made
June 19th, 1745. } oath to ye
truth of the above
acct, before ye House.
D.
PIERCE, Clk.
Province of } In the House
Representitives,
N. Hamp, } June 19th, 1745.
Voted that Capt. Clough be allowed
twenty-two shill. and six pence, billetting of ye Indian named
Christo, from ye 19th Dec. to ye 19th Jany., and ye sd. Christo
for his wages for sd Time, twenty six shill. and nine pence --
to be pd out of ye money brot into ye treasury last yeas by
Provl Tax for defraying ye charge of ye Government.
D.
PIERCE, Clk.
June 20 1745
In Council read and concurred.
Eodem Die assented to
B.
WENTWORTH.
And Christo's name appears upon Captain Clough's rolls of a scout at that and several other times prior to 1745.
After this period, for reasons that have not transpired, Christo seems to have retired to St. Francis with others of his tribe, and to have reckoned himself as a St. Francis Indian, and to have been hostile to the English. In 1747, in company with Sabatis and Plausawa, Christo assisted in the capture of Mrs. McCoy at Epsom, and in burning McCoy's house, and it is possible, that he was of the party that made an attack at Suncook, now Pembroke, and about the same time, killed some cattle, and one Estabrook, at Rumford.
And again, in 1752, in company with Sabatis, (a corruption of Jean Baptiste,) Christo came to Canterbury, where they were treated in a friendly manner for about a month, saying they were from St. Francis, and when they left the place, they seized upon two negroes belonging to the people who had entertained them, and carried them away. One escaped, and told who his captors were, while the other they sold at Crown Point.
Christo probably died at St. Francis. The last we hear of him is in the summer of 1757, when Moses Jackman, a captive taken at Canterbury, in June of that year, and who knew Christo well, saw him at or near St. Francis, and was recognized by him.
The spot occupied by Christo's wigwam
at Amoskeag Falls, is now shown, where the ashes of his hearth
stone, his pipes, arrow heads, and ornaments consisting of
bear's teeth, together with his tomahawk, have been ploughed up
within the memory of the present generation. And his tomahawk,
an iron one, with an eye like that of a hoe, and without any
head, is still in possession of the former proprietors of the
soil.
NOTES
Chapter 3
1. See Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. iii, third series, p. 20.
2. Narraganset is from Nanrantsouack and means a carrying-place. Norridgewock is also a corruption of the same word. (See Mem. Amer. Acad. New Series, Vol. I, pages 372 and 373.)
3. It may be that Pennacook means the ground-nut place, in which case it would be derived from Penak, (a ground-nut,) and Auke, (a place.)
4. See Eliot's Letter Mass. His. Coll., Vol. IV., 3d series, ps. 82 and 123.
5. See as before Mass. His. Coll., Vol. IV., 3d series, ps. 123 and 124.
6. Natick means a clearing, or place free from trees, from the Indian words Naa (bare) and Auke (a place), t being thrown in for the sound. Hence Neddock (a cape in York county, Me.,) and Natticook or Naacook, the ancient name of Litchfield, the town upon the east side of the Merrimack, and joining Manchester on the south.
It would seem from Ralle's vocabulary, that the Norridgewocks had an adjective Nete, meaning bare or cleared. This prefixed to goo'ike their noun for place or spot of land, forms Netegoo'ike, the derivitive noun meaning cleared land or a bare place, almost similar in formation and sound to Naa-t-auke the noun of the same meaning among the Nipmucks or Pennacooks.
7. See Trans. and Coll. Amer. Anti. Society, page 518.
Chapter 4
8. Pemegewasset means literally The crooked-mountain-pine-place, from Pennaquis, (crooked), Wadchu (a mountain), Cooash (pines), and Auke (a place). By contraction, it became Penna-chu-ash-auke, and by corruption Pemegewasset.
9. Mass. His. Coll. Vol. III, 3d series, page 230.
10. See Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Vol. III, 3d Series p. 230.
11. Roger's Reminiscences of the French War.
Chapter 5
12. See Mass. His. Coll. third series, Vol. VIII, page 173.
13. See Winthrop's Journal.
14. See Force's His. Tracts, Vol. II, New Eng. Canaan, Pages 25 and 26.
15. See Records of Rockingham County.
16. See Winthrop's Journal.
17. See Mass. His. Coll. Third Series, Vol. IV, page 82.
18. See Mass. His. Coll. Third Series, Vol. IV, page 82.
19. See same work, volume and page.
20. See same work, volume and page.
21. See Mass. His. Coll. Third Series, Vol. IV, page 82.
22. See Mass. Archives.
23. See Mass. Archives.
24. Mass. Archives, Vol. 30, p. 82.
25. Mass. Archives, Vol. 30, p. 130.
26. See Allen's Chelmsford, page 156.
27. See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 464.
28. See Mass. Archives.
29. See as above.
30. See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 462.
31. See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 464.
32. See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 482, 482.
33. See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 485.
34. See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 483.
35. See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 492.
36. See Drake's Book of the Indians, page 699.
37. See Coll. American Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 553.
38. See N. H. His. Coll., Vol. III, page 100.
39. See Coll. American Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 520.
40. See Coll. American Ant. Soc. Vol. II, page 521.
41. See files in Secretary's Office in N. H.
42. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
43. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
44. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
45. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
46. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
47. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
48. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
49. See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
50. See Files in Secretary's Office, Mass.
51. See Files in Secretary's Office, Mass.
Edited by Terry Heller, Coe College